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Topic: Algerian Crisis

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	AATF French Review
		She goes on to analyze the Algerian crisis of the past ten years and the historical reasons for it, and suggests possible future directions for Algeria.
		Algerian parents of French children would be granted a "vie privée et familiale" card for one year-the card could then be converted to a ten-year residency card.
		An Algerian married to a French national would be able to present a tourist visa to acquire a certificate of residence good for only one year whereas before, the card was good for ten years, but one had to have a long-term visa in order to qualify for the ten-year card.
	www.montana.edu /wwwaatf/french_review/archive/editorials/mar02ed.html (858 words)

	WHAT IS A CRISIS
		The political internal crisis is a conflict which affects the chiefs of a State, the nature of its institutions, or its society regime: it leads to a governmental reorganization, to a modification of the government if the precedent was compelled to retire, to constitutional adaptations, or to a change of the regime.
		While the crisis from 1929 remains joined to the year quoted, the just formulation "the crisis from 1974" as to the petroleum increases from October 1993/ January 1974 is an statement that misfires.
		Also, "the Zairian crisis", which arose at the departure of Mobutu, then a kind of balkanization of Zaire, it is not in the proper sense a crisis, but the result of a long process of decomposition, contradictory to the significant riches that Zaire benefits.
	www.strategicsinternational.com /4endumont.htm (4300 words)

	The Rising Threat of Revolutionary Islam in Algeria
		Algerians grew profoundly disenchanted with the FLN's one-party rule and its inability to deal with such persistent problems as high unemployment (now estimated to run about 25 percent, but much higher for younger workers), chronic food shortages, overcrowded housing, rising prices, and an overburdened infrastructure.
		Founded by Algerian veterans of the Islamic jihad (holy war) against the Soviet and Afghan communist forces in Afghanistan, the GIA adamantly opposes any negotiated settlement with the government and scorns the FIS for its willingness to consider a dialogue with the regime.
		Algerian terrorists killed six Tunisian border police in February 1995 and were involved in an August 1994 terrorist attack in Marrakesh, Morocco.
	www.heritage.org /Research/Africa/BG1060.cfm (6960 words)

	Algerian War of Independence - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		Deputies representing Algerian ridings were able to delay until 1958 passage of the measure by the National Assembly of France.
		For Algerians of many political factions, the legacy of their War of Independence acted to legitimise and virtually sanctify the unrestricted use of force in achieving a goal deemed to be justified.
		At present, the history of the Algerian War continues to be frequently invoked in the ongoing political debate in Israel, with the prospect of further West Bank withdrawal and settlement evacuation high on the public agenda.
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Algerian_War_of_Independence (6746 words)

	BBC SPORT \| AFRICA \| Algerian crisis deepens (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-11)
		Algerian FA president Omar Kezzal has been suspended by his own executive after the disastrous 5-2 defeat by Egypt in the last World Cup qualifier.
		The FAF accused Kezzal of mismanagement of the federation, but he responded by saying the suspension is "illegal and has no effect".
		The crisis within the Algerian FA only seems to be deepening following the Desert Warriors' crash in Cairo, swiftly followed by the resignation of coach Abdelghani Djadaoui.
	news.bbc.co.uk /sport1/hi/football/africa/1230252.stm (424 words)

	Human Rights Watch Urges E.U., U.S. : Thorough Inquiry into Algeria Massacres Must Accompany Diplomacy, Humanitarian ...
		The crisis in Algeria is of such scale and duration as to make a mockery of the government's insistence that it is strictly an "internal affair." The escalating mass killings of women, children, and other civilians make it imperative that the international community reject the idea that human rights protection is limited by national sovereignty.
		Impress upon the Algerian authorities their responsibilities, under international law and human rights treaties to which Algeria is party, to afford protection of life, liberty and security of its citizens, and to bring to justice those responsible for violating those rights in timely public and fair trials.
		Make clear to the Algerian government that the ministerial mission is not intended to supplant an international investigation into the country's human rights crisis, avoid any appearance of supporting the government's refusal to cooperate with such an investigation, and publicly dispute any effort by the Algerian authorities to impute such support to the ministers' visit.
	www.hrw.org /hrw/press98/jan/alger-p2.htm (1552 words)

	II Journa:Algerian Voices, European Reactions: Examining Conflicts in Discourse, Information and Analysisl
		Leveau built on the dictum of the Algerian political scientist Slemane Chikh, "The function of an election is to confirm a choice already made by a hidden decision center" (L'élection a pour fonction de confirmer le choix fait par un centre de décision occulte).
		Algerians are "thirsty" for a state of law and an end to injustice; the way to this is through modernity and against patriarchalism.
		This disagreement over the current crisis, found in many forms, is also reflected in the debate over responsibility over the massacres, mentioned at the beginning of this article, and also flared up in dinnertime discussion among some of the participants.
	www.umich.edu /~iinet/journal/vol7no1/bonner.htm (2930 words)

	Algerian Crisis, Western Choices - Middle East Quarterly
		Algerians widely believe that members of the power elite killed him because they saw in him a threat to themselves (he had started inquiring about the sources of their wealth and questioned their legitimacy as high state officers).
		To find a political solution to the crisis, Zeroual has to secure strong support for his approach in the army and the government, and also among the most important elements of civil society, such as labor unions, political parties and personalities, professional organizations, and business groups.
		Western worries are centered on the impact of the Algerian crisis on pro-Western Arab regimes and the European countries as a result of an expected influx of people running away from North Africa, mainly Algeria.
	www.meforum.org /article/144 (3979 words)

	The Algerian Tragedy Continues
		The June 26, 1999, announcement that a "national reconciliation" program aimed at bringing the crisis to an end was about to be proposed to Parliament, signaled what seemed to be an important shift in the official line on dealing with the crisis.
		Up to that point, the government had consistently maintained that the situation of violence it faced was not political in nature, but criminal, and insisted that the only effective strategy towards a solution was to physically eradicate those who were behind the violence.
		Officially, the Algerian authorities have invariably attributed all violence to the shadowy GIA, an alleged radical offshoot of the banned Islamist FIS.
	www.thirdworldtraveler.com /Africa/AlgerianTragedyContinues.html (1571 words)

	Al-Ahram Weekly \| Arabisation as a democratic choice (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-11)
		Mohamed Harbi is a prominent Algerian intellectual who emigrated to France in the mid-1970s due to differences with the authoritarian regime of the late President Hawari Boumedienne.
		I believe that the elements of the present crisis emerged over the last century, consolidated by the French colonial rule in Algeria and the establishment of a domestic elite that worked closely with the colonial administration.
		It is also an attempt to accommodate the fait accompli that young Algerians are Arabised, the Arabic press is widely circulated in Algerian markets, and Algerians favour Egyptian to US or French television series and programmes because they seem to address social problems similar to their own.
	weekly.ahram.org.eg /1998/392/re4.htm (1101 words)

	[No title]
		In other words the desire of the Algerian leaders to conserve power caused them to define themselves as necessary which meant that they were the only agents who could push forward the process of development towards modernity, progress and material well being to which the population aspired.
		On the one hand economic arguments are employed by the Algerian leaders to reinforce their political power through the creation of alliances, although the term `client’ might be more appropriate or establishing a social consensus which is always based on the way the government decides to distribute the petroleum earnings to the different economic sectors.
		The ISF also was able to take advantage in the crisis in the government’s welfare state to enlarge the ranks of its sympathesizers through the creation of a community net that provided social assistance to the faithful who the arbitrary state’s welfare system overlooked.
	www.du.edu /~rprince/Estrada1.htm (3771 words)

	Algeria -98 while the World is sleeping
		The intractability of the Algerian crisis and the immediate inability of the outside world to halt it was underlined today as militants killed at least 38 people, even as a European Union mission team arrived in Algeria.
		The Algerian government is to allow a ministerial level European Union mission into their strife- torn country, probably next week, a day after warning that they would refuse admittance to lower ranking EU officials.
		Algerians have little to celebrate on the fifth anniversary of the military's scrapping of elections to deny Islamists victory.
	boes.org /actions/africa/north/algeria1.html (1498 words)

	Private Peacemaking USIP-Assisted Peacemaking Projects of Nonprofit Organizations: Peaceworks: Publications: U.S. ...
		The Platform is a declaration of principles by which the Algerian parties and leaders from all points on the political spectrum (secular, socialist, Trotskyite, democratic, and Islamist) commit themselves to a peaceful solution of the crisis.
		The Algerian war of liberation in the late 1950s had left its mark on the Algerian church, but thanks to the leadership of its archbishop, Cardinal Léon Etienne Duval, it was able to encourage the development of Muslim-Christian-Jewish coexistence.
		The Algerian government rejected the Platform document from the outset as an interference in Algeria’s internal affairs; as a plot of international forces, including the Vatican; and as an attempt to manipulate the Algerian political debate.
	www.usip.org /pubs/peaceworks/smock20/chap3_20.html (993 words)

	Welcome to the Middle East Polcy Council web site.
		Ideological rhetoric notwithstanding, the root causes of both conflicts lie in conditions of political and social exclusion, and until it mutates into appalling, senseless, indiscriminate warfare, the accompanying violence appears to be a continuation of politics by deadly means.
		By contrast, the father of the Algerian nationalist movement, the North African Star (NAS) — created in Paris under the umbrella of the French Communist party as the Ottoman Empire collapsed and the Rif war was raging — was a factory worker, Messali Hadj, a close friend of Ho Chi Minh.
		First and foremost, the Algerian military must be pressured to recognize that the signatories of the Rome Platform represent far more than the political parties that won the 1991 legislative elections.
	www.mepc.org /journal_vol5/9801_amirouche.asp (10409 words)

	Table of contents for Library of Congress control number 2002025057 (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-11)
		I, The FIS internal crisis from birth to rebellion.
		Algerian anti-terrorism law as a means for counter-terror and guerrilla policy 4.
		The regional dimension of the Algerian crisis 2.
	www.loc.gov /catdir/toc/fy032/2002025057.html (609 words)

	Algerian rappers sing the blues UNESCO Courier - Find Articles (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-11)
		This western Algerian city is the birthplace of rai, and of one of its leading stars, Khaled.
		But the genre is still struggling to establish itself: audiences in France are more drawn to immigrant Algerian rappers such as Freeman and Imhotep, of the Marseilles group IAM, Rimka of Collectif 113, and non-Algerians like Joey Starr, of the duo NTM, who worked on the albums of MES and Intik.
		Last year, Algerian rappers only produced a dozen recordings on mediocre cassettes, but today hip-hop products are springing up all over, reflecting young people's formidable need to speak out.
	www.findarticles.com /p/articles/mi_m1310/is_2000_July/ai_63845102 (810 words)

	Anwar N. Haddam: An Islamist Vision for Algeria - Middle East Quarterly
		We Algerians have for many years been accustomed to having to prove to officials that we have voted in order to have access to public services and obtain crucial documents.
		Algerians, in other words, did not freely decide to vote but were coerced into doing so.
		The problem in Algeria is that, the Algerian people are ready, and have shown it twice in free and fair elections, to choose freely their political authority and their way of life.
	www.meforum.org /article/316 (5675 words)

	Waging Peace: William Quandt Speaks at MEI
		Because of instances when the Algerian military has refrained from intervening in occurrences of violence, there are many people who believe that most of the violence is actually done by the regime, Quandt said.
		This is a widely held belief among both Algerians in exile and French intellectuals, who think that the regime requires this kind of violence to justify its claim on power, and to discredit the Islamic groups.
		Algerians distrust politicians, the state, and the government, but “that is not necessarily a bad quality in democratic politics.
	www.washington-report.org /backissues/0798/9807114.html (3282 words)

	Al-Ahram Weekly \| Region \| Remembering the revolution (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-11)
		From the infamous massacre of Algerians on 8 May 1945 to the early morning hours of 1 November 1954 when Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) guerrillas launched attacks against military installations, police posts, warehouses, communications facilities and public utilities, the Algerian resistance moved from strength to strength.
		From the FLN's headquarters in Cairo a proclamation was broadcast calling on Algerians to join in a united national struggle for the "restoration of the Algerian state, sovereign, democratic and social, within the framework of the principles of Islam".
		This was avenged by FLN bombings which saw the drafting of large numbers of French troops to the capital in 1957 to fight in the "Battle of Algiers".
	weekly.ahram.org.eg /2004/715/re6.htm (403 words)

	Generals over the White House: The political generals
		Aside from the downright cynicism and banality of the liberal element of the capitalist establishment and the dubious validity of their strategy of embracing a right-winger to prosecute a progressive cause, the examples given of de Gaulle and Nixon, when viewed in the totality of their tenure in office, are false.
		De Gaulle's role in the settlement of the Algerian crisis is much overrated and that of the Algerian revolutionary struggle underestimated So is the solidarity of the French working class with the Algerian people.
		This is especially true at a time of tremendous revolutionary ferment throughout the world among the oppresses peoples and the possibility that, with tremendous economic and social hardships for the mass of people at home, they will resist bearing the burden of the ruling class's assault on their living standards.
	www.workers.org /marcy/generals/chap2.html (2221 words)

	History of ALGERIA (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-11)
		In the aftermath of this crisis the National Assembly in Paris passes, in 1947, a Statute of Algeria.
		From September 1958 this body is known as the GPRA (Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne), with the veteran nationalist Ferhat Abbas serving as prime minister.
		Meanwhile the Algerian economy is greatly helped by reserves of oil and gas found in the south.
	www.historyworld.net /wrldhis/PlainTextHistories.asp?historyid=ac92 (2887 words)

	US and Algeria: just flirting, by William B Quandt
		Algerians often note that in 1957, when he was still a senator, John F Kennedy favoured Algerian independence; and soon after independence Ahmed Ben Bella visited him in the White House.
		Algerians long talked of a link between "Afghan Arabs" and their own terror networks.
		Algerians cannot feel positive about a US government that backs the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, without limits.
	mondediplo.com /2002/07/08algeria (1488 words)

	IslamonLine.net
		Anwar N. Haddam, an elected-member of Parliament of Algeria (December 1991) and one of the leaders of the Algerian Islamic Front for Salvation (FIS), was released on Thursday December 7, 2000.
		Anwar N. Haddam is the President of FIS Parliamentary Delegation Abroad since March of 1992 and the head of the FIS Delegation to the 94-95 Algerian multiparty negotiations in Rome, Italy.
		He is the co-signatory, on behalf of FIS, of the "Platform for a Political and Peaceful Solution to the Algerian Crisis," found in Rome by the Algerian main political parties on January 13, 1995.
	www.islamonline.net /livedialogue/english/Guestcv.asp?hGuestID=K8U2Mx (917 words)

	Algeria: an economic approach to the crisis
		The Algerian civil conflict has been explained in terms of cultural, religious and political processes, if not considered either as a test case for the "clash of civilizations" or as an evidence of the purported fundamentalist drift of islam at odds with modern society.
		The Algerian development model relied on the income from hydrocarbons exports as the only source of finance for development and capital build-up.
		The Algerian crisis may be understood in terms of political economy of oil income appropriation.
	ideas.repec.org /p/wop/coinwp/001.html (384 words)

	The Algerian crisis
		Officially, the Algerian authorities have invariably attributed all violence to the shadowy GIA (Groupe Islamique Arme), an alleged radical offshoot of the now-banned Islamist FIS (Front Islamique du Salut).
		Most Algerians find highly dubious and unlikely the proposition that Islamists have turned against their base out of some feeling of desperation and hopelessness and, as the official line claims, to punish those populations for allegedly not fully supporting them.
		The Algerian crisis is an on-going tragedy perhaps best understood not by any ready answers but by the questions that remain unanswered.
	www.zmag.org /Zmag/articles/jan99bouzed.htm (1876 words)

	Algeria:Causes of conflict
		The death tolls in the Algerian crisis reflect the seriousness of the problem.
		After the Algerian war of independence, the FLN ran a one party state and therefore all political, economic and social organizations had to conform to the parties ideas and ideologies.
		That means in real terms that 4 million Algerians had voted for the FIS whereas only 2 million had voted for the government.
	www.angelfire.com /hi/andy121/index.html (2791 words)

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