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Topic: Bourgeois nationalism

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In the News (Wed 22 May 19)

  Jim Blaut, who died last week (Nov
Nationalism is not an innately bourgeois phenomenon: in the colonial and semi-colonial countries the national struggle is engaged in by workers and peasants as well as the conventional 'rising bourgeoisie', and workers and peasants can, under the right circumstances and with the right politics and tactics, take the lead.
It is a fairly direct deduction from Lenin's theory of nationalism to argue as follows: the overall force of superexploitation in colonies and semi-colonies, and its attendant political force, national oppression, is the basic, underlying cause of the rise of national movements in these sorts of areas.
Within national communist parties ofadvanced countries, I suspect that the Luxemburgian view was rather powerful, and must have had something to do with the far from proud record of some of these parties in the matter of the liberation of 'their own' colonies.
www.columbia.edu /~lnp3/mydocs/Blaut/national_question2.htm   (4807 words)

 Bourgeois nationalism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bourgeois nationalism is a term from Marxist phraseology.
By Soviet definition, national cultures were to be "socialist by content and national by form", to be used to promote the official aims and values of the state.
In practice, Russian national culture and language were promoted, especially during and after World War II, while Ukrainian, Georgian, Armenian, Lithuanian, Jewish (see Yevsektsiya) and other national movements and cultures were suppressed and their leaders purged.
en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Bourgeois_nationalism   (192 words)

 F. Chernov, "Bourgeois Cosmopolitanism and its reactionary role", 3/4
National sovereignty, the struggle of oppressed nations for their liberation, the patriotic feelings of freedom-loving peoples and above all the mighty patriotism of the Soviet people - these still serve as a serious obstacle for predatory imperialistic aspirations, they prevent the imperialists' accomplishing their plans of establishing world-wide domination.
Modern bourgeois cosmopolitanism is the ideological expression of aggressive imperialist policies of the reactionary bourgeoisie of the great capitalistic powers, directed towards the establishment of their world supremacy.
Bourgeois cosmopolitanism is from start to finish a profoundly reactionary ideology of the imperialist bourgeoisie, an ideological banner of the imperialist, antidemocratic camp.
www.cyberussr.com /rus/chernov/chernov-mirovaya-e.html   (1329 words)

 NATIONALISM, THE POSTCOLONIAL STATE, AND VIOLENCE   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-07)
It is obvious that the sense of national belonging, whether based on clan or tribal customs, language, religion, etc., certainly has a historical origin and localizing motivation different from the emergence of the capitalist state as an agency to rally the populace to serve the needs of the commercial class and the goal of accumulation.
National identity is used by the state to legitimize its actions within a delimited territory, to insure mobilization and coordination of policy (Held 1992).
"Bakhtin: Uttering the ‘(Into)nation of the Nation/People." In Bakhtin and the Nation.
www.leftcurve.org /LC26WebPages/Nationalism.html   (6422 words)

 Mansoor Hekmat - Essays
This quasi-socialist radical nationalism produced a variety of trends and organisations, from the Maoists and the urban guerrillas of the late sixties and early seventies to the 'political-organisational' [3] groups of 1978-1981 known as the Third Line.
Here, the mythological 'national bourgeoisie' was hailed not as the antithesis of the feudal landlord (the chief ally of imperialism for Maoists), but of the 'comprador' bourgeoisie, seen as the indigenous personification of imperialist oppression and exploitation of the 'Iranian people'.
Its inherent nationalism and its militant rhetoric appealed to the new generation of activists frustrated by the failure of the traditional parties and the oppressive political regime.
www.m-hekmat.com /en/2530en.html   (7069 words)

 Jim Blaut's note to me about the piece below stated inter alia: "The only piece on the national question that I ...
Lenin now argued that national struggles would necessarily increase, not decline, in the 20th century, the era of imperialism, and he became strongly supportive of some national movements (notably the Irish movement, which he had not fully supported in earlier years).
He was now in total disagreement with the Luxemburgians on the national question in general, insisting as he did that national struggle was not, in fact, out of date and declining, that many national movements would succeed in forming new states, and that colonial liberation movements not only were viable but were progressive.
First he quotes Lenin as being utterly opposed to "nationalism," but Lenin's meaning of "nationalism" in the context of the quotations is, strictly, reactionary nationalism -- not nationalism in the broader sense, a sense used sometimes by Lenin, as meaning national struggles in general and including progressive national movements.
www.columbia.edu /~lnp3/mydocs/Blaut/national_question3.htm   (4385 words)

 Marxism and the National Question
While flatly refusing to the bourgeois states the right to impose compulsory citizenship, or even a state language, upon a national minority, Bolshevism at the same time made it a verily sacred task to unite as closely as possible, by means of voluntary class discipline, the workers of different nationalities.
Bellicose bourgeois nationalism, which stultifies, fools and disunites the workers in order that the bourgeoisie may lead them by the halter—such is the fundamental fact of the present day.
Lenin warned of the treachery of the national bourgeoisie, its selfish greed and reactionary tendencies, and urged the workers not to subordinate themselves to its nationalist demagogy for "unity".
www.marxist.com /marxism-national-question250200-4.htm   (8361 words)

 Marxism message, Nationalism
Lenin: 'In my writings on the national question I have already said that an abstract presentation of the question of nationalism in general is of no use at all.' ****** Tom O'Lincoln: 'As for your précis of the Lenin-Luxemburg debate, you miss the whole point.
'[...] 'The bourgeois nationalism of any oppressed nation has a general democratic content that is directed against oppression, and it is this content that we unconditionally support.' So Lenin's position on nationalism is *concrete*: in this article he differentiates between bourgeois nationalism, the nationalism of the oppressed nation and the nationalism of the oppressor nation.
To demand of the British working class that it give up being national would be to build a brick wall between ourselves and the British revolution, for the necessity for the British-English working class is not to give up its Britishness and Englishness but to free its national existence from the chauvinism of its past.
archives.econ.utah.edu /archives/marxism/2003w28/msg00326.htm   (2006 words)

 Ernest Germain: In Defence of Leninism (Part 2b)
Nationalism is an ideology, the ideology of national solidarity irrespective of regional, ethnic or social differences.
It especially imposes on communists who are members of oppressor nations the duty to concentrate their fire upon their own oppressive bourgeoisie, and to leave the struggle against petty-bourgeois nationalism of the oppressed to the communist members of the oppressed nationalities themselves.
Within imperialist nations, nationalism is one of the main ideological instruments with which the bourgeoisie (and its petty-bourgeois hangers-on) try to weaken and paralyse the proletarian class struggle.
www.marxists.org /archive/mandel/1973/01/ch2b.htm   (5630 words)

 Castroism and the Politics of Petty-Bourgeois Nationalism   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-07)
It is this essential nature of petty-bourgeois nationalism and guerrillaism which provides a key to understanding the ease with which capitalism has appropriated the image of Che for its own purposes.
All of his political adventures, from his days with the armed anti-communist gangs on the university to his campaign as a Congressional candidate for a bourgeois party, were recast as mere tactical initiatives aimed at preparing the conditions for a socialist revolution.
Cuba's crisis is fundamentally the outcome of the bourgeois character of the revolution itself.
www.wsws.org /exhibits/castro/index.htm   (10792 words)

 THE BLANKET * Index: Current Articles
The fundamental point is that their analysis of nationalism was always put in terms of (a) the strategic interests of the working class, and thus always emphasised (b) the relation between nationalism and democracy.
If it is not that of the proletariat, the nationalism will be that of the ruling classes that conceive their own interest as those of the entire nation.
Nationalism is a potent mobilising agent and the necessary framework for the transition to socialism in societies dominated by imperialism.
lark.phoblacht.net /marxenglenlor921g.html   (1324 words)

 Tito's revisionism and the United States
It is with nationalism that Yugoslavia abandoned all principles of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Nationalism is the chief ideological obstacle to the training of Marxist ; cadres, of a Marxist ; vanguard in the border regions and republics....
The deviation towards nationalism is the adaptation of the internationalist policy of the working class to the nationalist policy of the bourgeoisie.
www.plp.org /books/Stalin/node145.html   (2147 words)

 NOTEWORTHY UKRAINIANS: Alexander Yanata, dedicated botanist repressed for 'bourgeois nationalism' (10/24/99)
The national nihilism that was endemic to the party was anathema for him.
Yanata was dismissed from the Institute for Plant Protection for "promoting bourgeois ecological theories in the area of weed control." This was not the only nonsensical charge of which he was found guilty.
Among other things it stated that the Czech Alexander Yanata, who was repressed for his Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism, had formerly been an acquaintance of Symon Petliura, president of the Directory of the Ukrainian National Republic.
www.ukrweekly.com /Archive/1999/439918.shtml   (967 words)

Patriotic association that constitutes a nation with common heritage and culture in which hearts and minds move in one direction is not acceptable to either of them.
For both of them the concept of nationalism is synonymous to Hinduism and therefore they opposed the efforts of nationalist forces to promote its spirit among the countrymen during freedom movement.
They did not realise that creation of modern political nationality in India could be possible only due to preservation of the thousands of years of collective consciousness towards spiritual and cultural unity of this country which was a remote possibility in Islamic India.
www.saag.org /papers12/paper1107.html   (3167 words)

 The Nationalism Project: Benedict Anderson's definition of "nation."
Since that time it has become one of the standard texts on the topic of nations and nationalism.
The most messianic nationalists do not dream of a day when all the members of the human race will join their nation in the way that it was possible, in certain epochs, for, say, Christians to dream of a wholly Christian planet.
Ultimately it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such limited imaginings.
www.nationalismproject.org /what/anderson.htm   (563 words)

 Trotskyism vs. Bourgeois Nationalism
A bourgeois nationalist, Morales is committed to “Andean capitalism” and “free trade.” Immediately after his election, he traveled to Santa Cruz in eastern Bolivia, a center of the country’s business elite, where he expressed sympathy for their demand for autonomy from the impoverished western region.
The main demand of the protesters in Bolivia last year for nationalization of oil and gas is supportable as a measure of national self-defense by a semicolonial country against the imperialists, albeit hardly socialist in character.
The nationalization of the tin mines as well as a modest agrarian reform were among the concessions granted by the Bolivian bourgeoisie in 1952 as a means of staving off revolution.
www.icl-fi.org /english/wv/868/bolivia.html   (3433 words)

 Bourgeois tendencies in the thirties
The most important bourgeois tendencies that Stalin had to fight during the twenties and thirties were Trotskyism  (Menshevism covered up in ultra-leftist rhetoric), Bukharinism  (social-democratic deviations), Bonapartism  (militarist tendencies within the army) and bourgeois nationalism.
Others were charged with Buonapartist (sic) conspiracies in 1937 and 1940, with bourgeois nationalism, with the proposed attempt to overthrow the régime in 1941.
It is important to remember that after their flight to the West, Avtorkhanov  and Tokaev,  two representatives of bourgeois tendencies in the Soviet Union, supported the most extreme positions of the Anglo-American bourgeoisie during the Cold War.
www.plp.org /books/Stalin/node147.html   (983 words)

 PERSPECTIVES: Nationalism - a new anthology (01/28/01)
During Soviet times, the mere accusation of "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism" usually meant a death sentence or half a lifetime in a labor camp.
Mykhailo Hrushevsky, for example, was routinely called a "Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist." This was crude, but technically accurate: Hrushevsky was middle class and therefore "bourgeois." As president of the Ukrainian National Republic, he was a nationalist.
President George Bush, of course, raised the specter of "suicidal nationalism" in his memorable speech to the Ukrainian Parliament.
www.ukrweekly.com /Archive/2001/040117.shtml   (948 words)

 Venezuela: Populist Nationalism vs. Proletarian Revolution
In fact, Chávez is very much in the mold of a string of bourgeois military officers who have come to power on the basis of nationalist populism, from Col. Juan Perón in Argentina in the 1940s to Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt in the 1950s.
At the same time, the AD and the bourgeois, pro-Catholic COPEI party, which was at different times the AD’s rival and its partner, presided over the highest wages for workers anywhere in Latin America, as well as extensive price controls and subsidies for food, transportation, education, health care and other necessities.
Hence the relative weakness of the national bourgeoisie in relation to the national proletariat.
www.icl-fi.org /english/wv/860/venezuela.html   (4320 words)

 Imperialism and the Kosova Question
This revolutionary morality allows the pro-imperialist opportunists to become the mouth-pieces of the bourgeois media by decontextualizing the violence and reducing it to dualism, thereby, confusing the working-class as to the nature of the class struggle and their historical responsibility in the class struggle.
Lenin was never a champion of national separatism having developed his conceptions in the shadow of the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 where he saw and learned the lessons of imperialism’s subjugation of that region by fomenting national divisions which continue today.
It must be clear to them that Marxism cannot reconcile with nationalism or nationalist leanings in the Communist Parties and that they must eliminate nationalism in whatever form it covers itself in the name and interests of the workers, in the name of peoples’ freedom and friendship and in the triumphant construction of socialism.
www.revolutionarydemocracy.org /rdv9n1/kosova.htm   (3394 words)

 May Day 1993
The liquidation of central socialist planning is also linked with the emergence of bourgeois nationalist forces in the six republics that were already demanding their 'autonomy'.
Thanks to ideas dating from the Middle Ages, imperialism has forced the working classes to follow the reactionary bourgeoisie of their 'own' nation or their 'own' religion, believing that mixing with another nation or religion, that the fusion of different languages, cultures and nations is something ugly.
In former Yugoslavia, Croatian, Slovenian, Serbian and 'Muslim' nationalism are equally reactionary, opposed to the unity of the workers and socialism.
www.wpb.be /doc/doc/1may93.htm   (6597 words)

 Berlin panel discussion on Kosovo: Marxism vs. nationalism   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-07)
Only the unification of workers of all nationalities on the basis of the struggle for a socialist federation of the Balkans can overcome political and social oppression and liberate the region from the stranglehold of the great powers, he continued.
Schwarz stressed that one could not abstractly derive a standpoint on the Kosovo question on the basis of the “right to national self-determination.” It was necessary to arrive at a historical understanding of the national question in the Balkans, which adequately takes into account all international aspects.
“The progressive character of the national liberation struggle was historically bound up with the tasks posed by the bourgeois-democratic revolution—the democratic transformation of the state, the solution of the land problem, the overcoming of feudal divisions, the creation of a national market, and shaking off of the yoke of imperialism.
wsws.org /articles/2006/nov2006/koso-n29.shtml   (1518 words)

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