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	Carl Schmitt - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		Schmitt was born the son of a small businessman in Plettenberg, Westphalia on July 11, 1888; he studied political science and law in Berlin, Munich and Strasbourg and took his graduation and state exams in the then-German Strasbourg in 1915.
		Schmitt criticized the institutional practices of liberal politics, arguing that they are justified by a faith in rational discussion and openness that is at odds with actual parliamentary party politics, in which outcomes are hammered out in smoke-filled rooms by party leaders.
		Schmitt also posits an essential division between the liberal doctrine of separation of powers and what he holds to be the nature of democracy itself, the identity of the rulers and the ruled.
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Carl_Schmitt (1334 words)

	Carl Schmitt: biography and encyclopedia article (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Schmitt's theories in this paper were later used by the Nazi (A German member of Adolf Hitler's political party) s for an ideological foundation of their dictatorship, and Schmitt was later accused of having justified the "Führer (additional info and facts about Führer) " state with regard to legal philosophy.
		After this, Schmitt soon lost all of his prominent offices, and retreated from his position as a leading Nazi (A German member of Adolf Hitler's political party) jurist, although he remained as a professor in Berlin.
		It is one of the many ironies of Schmitt’s story that, at the very moment of Nazi triumph, he decisively declared his support for a regime that ultimately had little use for someone like him.
	www.absoluteastronomy.com /encyclopedia/c/ca/carl_schmitt.htm (466 words)

	The Crisis of the modern World, the New World Order and Kali Yuga
		Schmitt believed that the chaos of the Weimar period could only be normalized through the strength and charisma of one leader who could provide the people with a unifying vision and a commonality of purpose.
		Schmitts life has to be considered within the context of his times, specifically how World War I, Germany’s defeat, and the chaos of Europe during the interwar years led him to reject the classical state-centered theories that were at the heart of European political thinking.
		Carl Schmitt points out that «as long people exists in the political sphere, it must itself make use of the distinction between friend and enemy, at the same time reserving it for extreme conjunctures which it itself judges as such.
	www.geocities.com /integral_tradition/schmitt.html (3087 words)

	Encyclopedia: Carl Schmitt (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Schmitt’s political theory was founded on the idea of exception (Ausnahmezustand) from where he launched an attack on liberalism.
		The direction all this leads, and the reason why Schmitt has been taken so seriously by political theory, is to the theorisation of the crisis and state of emergency as not exceptional moments in political life opposed to some stable normalcy, but themselves the predominant form of the life of modern nations.
		Schmitt seeks to legitimate the increase of the sovereign power, to not only temporalily suspend the constitution for the public good, but to actively revise or fundamentally change the rules of constitutional authority – the sovereign both defines what is the exception and defines what is the adequate response to it.
	www.nationmaster.com /encyclopedia/Carl-Schmitt (676 words)

	Carl Schmitt
		Schmitt's main targets are the liberal-constitutional theory of the state and the parliamentarist conception of politics.
		Schmitt considers nineteenth-century liberal democracy anti-political and rendered impotent by a rule-bound legalism, a rationalistic concept of political debate, and the desire that individual citizens enjoy a legally guaranteed 'private' sphere protected from the state.
		Schmitt's concept of the exception is neither nihilistic nor anarchistic, it is concerned with the preservation of the state and the defence of legitimately constituted government and the stable institutions of society.
	foster.20megsfree.com /377.htm (3073 words)

	Carl Schmitt Revival Designed To Justify Emergency Rule
		Schmitt attacked the dominant positivist theory of law as a sterile and proceduralist closed system of norms, which was morally neutral and incapable of inspiring fidelity or sacrifice in the population.
		Schmitt was also convinced that a closed system of positive laws and existing democratic norms, were powerless in the face of charismatic political movements and the irrational myths employed by the Bolsheviks to achieve popular success.
		Schmitt found the new law to be the expression of a "triumphant national revolution," equating it with the German Revolution of 1918.
	www.larouchepub.com /other/2001/2803_carl_schmitt.html (2091 words)

	Carl Schmitt, the Inquisition, and Totalitarianism
		Schmitt belongs to the world of jurisprudence, to the realm of weighing and deciding, and one can see this in his treatment of esoteric groups, in which he acknowledges their differences—but he clearly has ‘placed’ them in his larger narrative as indicative of the fragmentation represented by modernity.
		Schmitt restrains himself to the worldly stage, but he too insists upon conflict as the basis of the political and of history; and both are at heart dualists.
		Schmitt is a political and later geopolitical theorist whose political theology represents, not an opening into the transcendence of antagonism, but rather an insistence upon antagonism and combat as the foundation of politics that reflects Tertullian’s emphasis on antagonism toward heretics as the foundation of theology.
	www.esoteric.msu.edu /VolumeVII/Schmitt.htm (3026 words)

	S Y N T H E S I S - Liberalism or Democracy? Carl Schmitt and Apolitical Democracy
		Schmitt suggests that the notions of liberalism and democracy "have to be distinguished from one another so that the patchwork picture that makes up modern mass democracy can be recognized."[8] As Schmitt notes, democracy is the antithesis of liberalism, because "democracy...
		According to Schmitt, "democracy requires, first homogeneity and second-if the need arises-elimination or eradication of heterogeneity."[11] Homogeneity and the concomitant elimination of heterogeneity are the two pillars of Schmitt's democracy, something which stands in sharp contrast to liberal party systems and the fragmentation of the body politic.
		Schmitt's "ethnic" democracy must be seen as the reflection of the uniqueness of a given people who oppose imitations of their democracy by other peoples or races.
	www.rosenoire.org /articles/schmitt.php (3722 words)

	Carl Schmitt (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		In this case, law which was itself the normal basis of sovereign authority, is also subverted by the total power of the absolutist state, the destruction of the normal and the rightful response of the sovereign to govern totally, thus evinces completely the right of any kind of redress against his over-arching power.
		6) Mouffe's apologetics, her thinking 'with' Schmitt is a wholescale appropriation of the characteristic conflict ridden and atomistic ontology of politics along with the insistence on the enduring specificity of the political and its status as constituted democratic power through representation.
		Her thinking against Schmitt lies in the belief that Liberal Democracy can overcome its drive to the state of exception and that the organised body of the people need not find its ultimate resolution in the total state.
	www.generation-online.org /p/pschmitt.htm (837 words)

	11/07/01 - A Forgotten Thinker On Nation-States vs. Empire
		Schmitt is properly criticized for having joined the Nazi Party in May 1933.
		Schmitt argued that friend/enemy distinctions had characterized ancient communities and would likely persist in the more and more ideological environment in which nation-states had grown weaker.
		Although in the forties and fifties Schmitt hoped that the devastated nation-state system would be replaced by a new "political pluralism," the creation of spheres of control by regional powers, he also doubted this would work.
	www.vdare.com /gottfried/schmitt.htm (1159 words)

	Boston Review: Down on Law
		Moreover, Schmitt was an incisive critic of American global power, and his post-1945 jurisprudence consisted of constructing theoretical banisters for fellow right-wingers who shared his hostility to US hegemony and anger at the decline of European power on the world scene.
		Schmitt was a jurist—a fact that too much of his English-speaking reception plays down—and his principal intellectual interlocutors were other law professors and constitutional scholars.
		In Schmitt's mature works, regularity and predictability in legal decision-making required a "common orientation" of judicial actors, and that orientation could only be achieved on a resolutely post-Enlightenment basis—by rejecting the universalistic and egalitarian moral impulses underlying the ideal of rule of law.
	www.bostonreview.net /BR26.2/scheuerman.html (3595 words)

	Constitutional Failure: Carl Shmitt in Weimar.
		In them, Kennedy demonstrates that Schmitt’s political thought was always concerned with the limits and faults of liberal democracy—in these early stories and satires, she argues, “Schmitt’s cultural critique and anti-liberal theory took shape” (p.43).
		As Kennedy notes, one of the defining characteristics of Schmitt’s thought, in stark contrast to much of the positivist, formalist jurisprudence of many of his contemporaries, was his insistence upon an approach that “set questions of public law within politics and history” (p.5).
		The obvious answer is Schmitt’s work lives as the preeminent study of constitutional crisis, especially insofar as his work stands for the proposition—too often overlooked—that a written constitution is no guarantee of political or democratic unity, much less a guarantee of constitutional democracy itself.
	www.bsos.umd.edu /gvpt/lpbr/subpages/reviews/kennedy105.htm (1484 words)

	The Sovereignty of the Political
		The totalizing thrust of Schmitt's argument is directed against liberalism, which by the postulation of a false universalism, according to him, obscures the existentially paramount nature of politics and replaces it with the struggle for purely formal notions of rights.
		From among the rich flora of exegetical and critical texts that all focus on Carl Schmitt, the man, and his challenging and disturbing legacy, the one by Renato Cristi, Carl Schmitt and Authoritarian Liberalism, is singular in not treating him as the nemesis of liberalism.
		Carl Schmitt's problematic political philosophy, in my opinion, not only de-masks the duplicity of the dominant liberal ideology, it also helps us de-construct many of the peculiarities of fiqhi discourse that arouse the outsider's squeamish aversion and the insider's ingenuous perplexity.
	www.algonet.se /~pmanzoor/CarlSchmitt.htm (3490 words)

	The Politics of Humiliation
		Schmitt argued that the division between friends and foes is arbitrary and ultimate.
		Schmitt quotes with approval the famous remark of Clausewitz that war is a continuation of politics by other means - which shows what kind of thing they think that politics is.
		Schmitt was adamant that politics has nothing to do with morality, and that the distinction between friend and foe cannot be grounded in morality.
	buffaloreport.com /2004/040630.garver.humiliation.html (1627 words)

	Uses and abuses of Carl Schmitt
		Carl Schmitt's ideas were already a controversial topic in the US long before his works were translated into English.
		Telos' initial interest in Schmitt's work was triggered in the 1980s by the realization, in the wake of the collapse of the New Left and under the influence of Norberto Bobbio's criticism, that the Left in general and Marxism in particular had no political theory.
		Schmitt's Analysis of the US Along with most European scholars of his generation, Schmitt did not have any direct experience of l'Amerique profonde, and limited himself to discussing the US strictly from the viewpoint of international law and foreign policy.
	foster.20megsfree.com /443.htm (9631 words)

	Idiocentrism
		Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, translation and notes by George Schwab, comments by Leo Strauss, Rutgers, 1976.
		Second, he explains that Schmitt’s misreading of Hobbes ends up making it impossible for him to escape from liberalism, so that Schmitt’s critique of liberalism was still itself liberal.
		He seemed baffled that his letters were not answered by the Nazi Schmitt; it may well be that he was not yet aware that Schmitt had joined the party, but few others were surprised when Schmitt did so, and more than one person told Strauss not to try to contact Schmidt.
	www.idiocentrism.com /schmitt.htm (1531 words)

	The Chronicle: 4/2/2004: A Fascist Philosopher Helps Us Understand Contemporary Politics
		Given Schmitt's strident anti-Semitism and unambiguous Nazi commitments, the left's continuing fascination with him is difficult to comprehend.
		Schmitt's admirers on the left have been right to realize that after the collapse of communism, Marxism needed considerable rethinking.
		Still, if Schmitt is right, conservatives win nearly all of their political battles with liberals because they are the only force in America that is truly political.
	chronicle.com /free/v50/i30/30b01601.htm (1888 words)

	Book Reviews (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Schmitt presented elaborate historical and constitutional reflections which on the whole try to explain and justify his views and his actions in the Nazi period.
		After considering the various topics covered in Schmitt's statements written in Nuremberg, Quaritsch concludes that the threat of a trial and the poor conditions in prison in which he was being kept would have induced Schmitt to implicate others accused in the Wilhelmstrasse trial against officials of the foreign office (p.
		The role of intellectual theories as instigation for criminal acts is not a question limited to Carl Schmitt: it is of importance in contemporary international law as well.
	ejil.org /journal/Vol13/No2/br2.html (1185 words)

	H-Net Review: Christian J. Emden on A Dangerous Mind: Carl Schmitt in Post-War European Thought (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Regardless of our historical and political distance to Carl Schmitt, his writings continue to pose serious questions for any discussion of liberalism and parliamentary democracy, especially at a time when both in the United States and in the European Union the interpretation of constitutional law is undergoing considerable change.
		Although Carl Schmitt is rarely mentioned in these contexts, and although public policy experts are often oblivious to the consequences of his work, the problems he raises on both a theoretical as well as a practical level for the formulation of liberal and pluralist notions of the state are nevertheless present and difficult to overlook.
		Leaving aside Schmitt's well-known biography, his perception of the cultural environment within which his political thought begins to gain momentum is almost exclusively marked by the kind of pessimism one might expect from an obsessive reader of Kierkegaard.
	www.h-net.org /reviews/showrev.cgi?path=298891122323542 (2802 words)

	OBSERVING THE OBSERVER - The Threat of the Lukewarm Enemy: Carl Schmitt on Walter Benjamin on Hamlet (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Now, Schmitt of course was a Catholic precursor of National Socialism; and his notion of political theology lends itself eerily not just to the Nazi ideology, but certain others, as has been argued here on the "Leo-Conservatives" and Schmitt and here on Leo Strauss's influence on current US policies).
		Schmitt is scathing of the play (in the Wittgensteinian and Hermeneutical sense), for it is that (leading to the argument that Jewishness = corruption even of corruption) which is neither.
		Let's ignore the question of aesthetics for a moment: Schmitt's political theology is a sophisticated justification for the primitive politics of the Bush Junta.
	homepage.mac.com /christophwk/iblog/B1375532474/C74991927/E443050706/index.html (410 words)

	Amazon.com: Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism : Against Politics as Technology (Modern European Philosophy): Books: ... (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Carl Schmitt must have written a tremendous number of brilliant things to be remembered so well for so long.
		The result of this disparate look into Schmitt's thought is that much of what McCormick puts forward is far from comprehensive and thus fails to engage the subject matter in a way that would allow one to believe that he has truly mastered as much as he thinks he has.
		Schmitt is of course a controversial figure and McCormick seeks to use this to his advantage by often failing to explain Schmitt's arguments and reverting to claims of "authoritarianism" and the like.
	www.amazon.com /exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0521664578?v=glance (2113 words)

	Juan Donoso Cortés [Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy]
		Schmitt figured prominently in the development of the legal principles and structures of the Nazi régime.
		Furthermore, Schmitt's depiction of politics as a constant struggle of friends against enemies reflects Donoso's quasi-Manichæan view of politics as a war between Catholic civilization and philosophical civilization.
		Donoso's notion of infallible authority resonated in the Nazi Führerprinzip, the Italian fascist principle of Ducismo, and the principle of Caudillaje of the Franco régime in Spain (1936-75).
	www.iep.utm.edu /d/donoso.htm (2427 words)

	Carl Schmitt (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		Carl Schmitt (July 11 1888 - April 7 1985) was a controversial German intellectual and legal theoretician with ties to the Nazi ideology and party.
		In 1921, Schmitt became a professor at the university of Greifswald, where he published his essay "Die Diktatur" ("On Dictatorship"), in which he discussed the foundations of the Weimar Republic, emphasising the office of the Reichspräsident.
		Thus, in "Die Diktatur," we find Schmitt's perverse judgement that dictatorships can be more meaningfully democratic than democracies.
	www.sciencedaily.com /encyclopedia/carl_schmitt (794 words)

	National Review: Legality, legitimacy, and Carl Schmitt. @ HighBeam Research (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-20)
		ON APRIL 7, 1985, the death of Carl Schmitt, at age 97, brought to an end the longest and stormiest career in the history of political thought.
		Parliamentary and pluralistic democracy was preoccupied with balancing the interests and settling the grievances of contesting parties and strident minorities.
		As Schmitt presciently observed: "A pluralist state run by parties becomes a total state not by its effectiveness but by its weakness.
	www.highbeam.com /library/doc0.asp?DOCID=1G1:5128460&refid=holomed_1 (1166 words)

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