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	Anthropology - Search View - MSN Encarta
		Anthropologists also commonly construct genealogies (diagrams of kinship relations) and maps to show how the people in communities are related to one another, how people organize themselves in groups, and how people and groups interact with each other.
		Anthropologists also have ethical obligations to those who fund their research activities as well as to students and the interested public who may want to learn from their work.
		Anthropologists do not normally pay for specific information, but they may compensate some of the people they study for their time and effort put in as field assistants or informants.
	encarta.msn.com /text_761559816__1/Anthropology.html (9376 words)

	Economic anthropology - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		Economic anthropology is an approach to the central questions of anthropology through the lens of economics.
		Economic exchanges are not carried out between strangers but rather by individuals involved in long-term continuing relationships.
		While conceding that substantivism rightly emphasises the significance of social institutions in economic processes, Gudeman considers any derivational model that claims to be of universal nature, be it formalist, substantivist or Marxist, to be ethnocentric and essentially tautological.
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Economic_anthropology (2864 words)

	AE book review search
		There is some discussion of food sharing among foragers and of intersocietal trade, but most of the concepts that anthropologists use to study exchange are absent as are any measures of the degree of incorporation of the societies considered into the world system.
		Pryor’s theoretical orientation follows Douglas North and is based on a contrast between economic institutions (rules, norms, and laws) and economic organizations such as firms, churches, schools, and trade unions.
		Contrary to some economic anthropologists, Pryor insists that behavior be seen as individualistic, and he does not include kinship groups among economic organizations.
	www.aaanet.org /aes/bkreviews/result_print.cfm?bk_id=3528 (673 words)

	1999 interdisciplinaey lecture -Mayhew
		And, in economic anthropology the effort to apply neoclassical microeconomic theory also lost its glamour and economic anthropologists returned to description of patterns of provisioning, though often with the proviso that the patterns described did in fact represent an earlier process of rational choosing by the people involved.
		True, the development of cliometrics in Economic History and the gradual exclusion of non-cliometrics from the highest reaches of that discipline, appeared at first glance to have been consequence of imperialistic economists with a model to use rather than consequence of disciplinary definition in face of shared territory.
		As I followed events in economic anthropology and economic history it came to me that there were patterns there that resembled patterns in other areas of transdisciplinarity and that those patterns had a pattern that I could discern though not explain.
	notes.utk.edu /bio/unistudy.nsf/82de47b5490a4ce48525667a00798c46/4cb4c9d237ce1c8a85256776004f4cdf?OpenDocument (4185 words)

	Emerging Linkages In the World System and the
		But though economic anthropologists embraced the economic and historical aspects of World Systems Theory long ago, and were in the vanguard of anthropological investigation of global interconnections, I find that we are lagging far behind in extending our topical reach to include global culture.
		Economic anthropologists have heaped all kinds of criticism and ridicule on this model over the last twenty years (and even long before--the critics are too numerous to mention here, though Raymond Firth was certainly a pioneer).
		The connections between economic life and the political and cultural order are the very heart of economic anthropology, and we are in a very strong position to use our traditional strengths on the issues raised global interdependence.
	www.indiana.edu /~wanthro/links.htm (3491 words)

	Anthropology and the Disciplines
		By contrast, economic anthropologists, although interested in such conventional topics as production, consumption, and exchange, also examine economic thought in non-market societies, ancient civilizations, and societies in transition from one type of economy to another.
		Political anthropologists are studying important contemporary issues such as ethnic violence and state disintegration in Ireland and the former Soviet Union, and the way that global phenomena such as Christianity, nationalism, and democracy vary in meaning and function across cultures and historical periods.
		Anthropologists of religion describe the enormous array of philosophies and practices that people have created concerning the nature and meaning of the world; they also explain how beliefs and practices change with their cultural context.
	www.gwu.edu /~anth/anth_disc_print.html (747 words)

	yanomamo reader for HRAF
		Anthropologists consider stable settled life one of the important consequences of the agricultural revolution.
		Economically, the Yanomamö, along with most other tribal peoples living in the tropics, are classified as shifting cultivators because most of their dietary calories come from horticultural pursuits.
		When I was able to accompany families on their economic activities I found that children did work but not as hard or as constantly as adults: they worked about 40% to 80% as much as adults when, for example, a garden was being weeded.
	www.unl.edu /rhames/212/YANREADG.htm (7326 words)

	WHEN GOOD THEORIES GO BAD
		In general, I think economic anthropologists are much more sensible than most anthropologists in their use of theory, so don't take this as a blanket indictment of our sub-discipline.
		In anthropology in general, and especially in economic anthropology, we have very different theoretical propositions about the causes of individual and group behavior, and to a large extent consumption is just another of the arenas where theorists perform their magic for the crowd.
		Anthropologists who have only a single cultural theory of consumption are generally helpless when faced with policy problems.
	www.indiana.edu /~wanthro/SEA98.htm (3902 words)

	Table of Contents and Excerpt, Chibnik, Crafting Tradition
		Economic anthropologists interested in the trade in ethnic and tourist, in contrast, have ordinarily studied how national and international markets for crafts have affected work organization and social stratification in particular villages and small towns.
		Economic anthropologists (e.g., Blim and Rothstein 1992; Collins 2000) examining work organization are increasingly finding "post-Fordist" systems of flexible accumulation that are said to be characteristic of late capitalism.
		Anthropologists writing about the commercialization of ethnic and tourist arts (e.g., Littlefield 1979; Waterbury 1989) have frequently told a Leninist story of how increased stratification develops as some artisans are more successful than others and local merchants establish themselves as intermediaries between producers and consumers.
	www.utexas.edu /utpress/excerpts/exchicra.html (5720 words)

	"Champagne"
		As to economic incorporation, world systems theorists and economists have long argued for the relative autonomy of markets, or a pattern of relations based largely on material interests, which drives the expansion of markets or explains exchange and market relations.
		Thus, the geopolitical, economic, cultural and biological features of colonialism, set in context with the normative, political, economic, and cultural dimensions of colonized communities, create the situational context that informs actors and communities in specific historical situations.
		Theories of colonization must move in the direction of detailed conceptualization of the institutional-political, economic, community, cultural-order of indigenous nations, and analyze their counter-movements of institutional change and historically contingent strategic action in order to develop a more complete and balanced understanding of the complexities of life among the colonized.
	www.bilkent.edu.tr /~jast/Number3/Champagne.html (4213 words)

	Social scientists, other
		Anthropologists and archaeologists will experience average growth, but slower-than-average employment growth is expected for geographers, historians, political scientists, and sociologists because they enjoy fewer opportunities outside of government and academic settings.
		For example, anthropologists, archaeologists, and geographers may travel to remote areas, live among the people they study, learn their languages, and stay for long periods at the site of their investigations.
		Anthropologists and archaeologists will see the majority of their employment growth in the management, scientific, and technical consulting services industry.
	www.bls.gov /oco/ocos054.htm (2568 words)

	What Do Anthropologists Do?
		Economic Anthropologists contribute to the study of how goods and services are produced, distributed, and consumed within a given cultural context.
		Nutritional Anthropologists study the role of food and nutrition in the human experience, including nutrition and health, culture-based dietary restrictions, food and technology, and the historical diffusion of various food types between societies.
		Anthropologists make good teachers in particular because of their sensitivity to ethnocentrism.
	anthro.fullerton.edu /anthropologists.htm (672 words)

	Introducing Economic Anthropology and Beth Notar
		Economic Anthropology: There has been great debate among economic anthropologists as to what is "economic." Some have viewed "the economic" as a mode of rational choice making, while others have focused on economies as modes of production.
		However, some of the most exciting discussions in economic anthropology occur at the boundaries of what we might normally consider "the economic" and "the non-economic." For example, what is the difference between giving a man money, giving him a birthday present, and giving him "a daughter's hand in marriage"?
		Courses in economic anthropology will examine production, distribution and consumption cross-culturally and explore how these processes are related to apparently "non-economic" institutions such as the state, family and religion.
	www.trincoll.edu /depts/anth/2introbeth.html (663 words)

	Money: One Anthropologist’s View — The Memory Bank 2.1 (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-30)
		Mauss's line was generally not taken up and, thereafter, economic anthropologists used concepts drawn from Western folk wisdom rather than from economics.
		A Sudanese friend once asserted that the original economic system of his country was barter between villages; and then, when pushed, he admitted that these villages had been involved with merchant networks and money for thousands of years.
		Anthropologists are not very happy in the marketplace and this gives many of them a jaundiced perspective on money.
	www.thememorybank.co.uk /publications/money_one_anthro (6980 words)

	Some Amendments to Social Exchange Theory: A Sociological Perspective
		As regards the character of social exchange in relation to economic transactions, the former is constituted by activities of purposive actors in the case of a “configuration of interests and resources”, and the latter (a market institution) by interdependent exchange transactions (Coleman, 1986).
		In this view, the transformation of strikes from economic to political phenomena is evidenced by their increasingly disruptive potential vis-à-vis the polity and social system as a whole, with the positional power of actors (labor vs. capital) being determined by such potentials.
		For instance, Weber observes that in early traditional societies with agricultural economic structure the material life of individuals rests on their membership in the community to the effect that the “credit of the individual is normally the credit of his clan”.
	theoryandscience.icaap.org /content/vol004.002/01_zafirovski.html (10389 words)

	[No title]
		As a result, changes in economic organization and logic in the core were automatically taken to be changes in economic organization and logic in the periphery.
		In particular, the role of women, kinship, subsistence, and socially embedded economic practice are rarely discussed, because the hegemonic perspective of fungible labor pools, commodified resources, and impersonal markets create blinders to the perspectives and practices of those outside the core.
		One result of the lack of formal economic markets is that Lakota people engage in a broad mixture of economic activities, both within a given time period and over the course of their lives.
	irows.ucr.edu /conferences/pews02/pprpickering.doc (4375 words)

	Untitled Document (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-30)
		On a more practical level, anthropologists who work in laboratory settings find themselves pressed by their universities to seek patents for innovative processes that in an earlier era would have been shared freely with the scientific community.
		Anthropologists who collect tissue specimens or gather information about traditional medicines now routinely face accusations of engaging in “biopiracy” even when their motives have nothing to do with financial gain.
		For working anthropologists, matters of prior informed consent and IPR now loom large when we contemplate fieldwork in any community that maintains folk traditions, especially when our research calls attention to resources, practices, or knowledge perceived to have commercial potential.
	www.williams.edu /go/native/owningculture.htm (1270 words)

	SFSU Anthropology Undergraduate Program (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-30)
		Anthropologists are increasingly being called upon to act as consultants to clinics and hospitals, school boards, and city/town councils.
		Cultural anthropologists, in particular, are attuned to the problems and difficulties inherent in trying to exchange ideas across cultures.
		Anthropologists are consulted in the preparation of environmental impact studies.
	www.sfsu.edu /~puboff/programs/undergrad/anthro.htm (1555 words)

	Concepts of Freedom : Friedrich Naumann Foundation (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-30)
		It is also evident that politically free societies tend to opt for a high degree of economic freedom.
		Anthropologists argue that freedom is a good every human being desires and wishes to have more of.
		They argue that it is not sufficient that the state protects the economic freedom of its citizens but should also help provide the opportunities for the people to enjoy their freedom.
	www.fnf.org.ph /liberalopinion/2003-11-08.htm (873 words)

	[No title] (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-30)
		Anthropologists however have developed elaborate theories of gift exchange which view gifts as a way in which relationships within a community are preserved, and as an expression of status competition.
		Economists would argue that criminal activity is influenced by rational decisions where the prospective criminal weighs the costs and benefits of breaking the law.
		Thus, neo-classical economic theories are often at variance with the other social sciences, even when they study the same phenomena.
	www.williams.edu /admin/registrar/catalog/depts9798/econ/econ389.html (247 words)

	SEA Newsletter
		Emphasis is placed on both the economics of the wholesale and retail trade and the ways in which the consumption of used clothing in Zambia is influenced by culturally significant ideas about fashion.
		As the papers in these volumes make clear, economic anthropologists are exploring questions that not only have theoretical importance in the discipline but that also are central in understanding the economic lives of people around the world.
		People in many fields write about"globalization;" anthropologists, and especially economic anthropologists, are the ones who try to explain the intersection of global forces and local institutions, and how people both respond to and help shape what is happening to them.
	anthropology.tamu.edu /sea/newsletter.htm (13550 words)

	Samuels Essay
		I would like to see political sociologists focus on the institutions and processes of government insofar as government is a major social force, and economic sociologists and anthropologists focus on the institutions which form economies--and to combine their work.
		A political economic sociology would study such things, and do so in a manner which is both non-normative and eclectic, seeking and acquiring wisdom wherever and however it may be found.
		Two of the books are collections of case studies by economic anthropologists that explore both the deepest meanings of property per se and the larger context in which property has meaning.
	www.gsm.uci.edu /econsoc/Samuels.html (1602 words)

	SEA Future Meetings
		The Society for Economic Anthropology seeks proposals for papers and poster presentations for their annual meeting, April 13-14, 2007 on the theme: “The Political Economy of Hazards and Disasters.”
		Thus, economic aspects of disasters involve not only the devastation they cause, but also the social construction of risk and vulnerability in the form of subsistence strategies, class differentiation, venues for cooperation, and so on.
		We encourage archaeologists to submit abstracts as well as other anthropologists, economists, historians, geographers and social scientists concerned with economy-ecology linkages.
	anthropology.tamu.edu /sea/futuremeetings.htm (582 words)

	[No title]
		Finally, suppose that individuals in both "new" endeavors are economically successful and the ideas of both store ownership and farming begin to gain increasing degrees of acceptance.
		Various evolutionary anthropologists have modeled the potentially significant effect of such prestige bias in the adoption of innovations and cultural change [Boyd, 2001 #2925; Flinn, 1997 #2878; Henrich, 2001 #2923].
		If the activity gains acceptance (is economically viable), we might expect changes in the risk premiums attached by individuals as well as a lowering of the cultural bias to move people in the direction of switching to the new strategy gradually through time.
	webuser.bus.umich.edu /jcbeltz/MassaiV.doc (2498 words)

	Anthropology and Economic Imperialism: The Battlefield of Culture
		However, economists have become increasingly interested in culture, using the language of culture to study both macro- and micro-level economic phenomena.
		Anthropologists view this as an encroachment into their territory and are battling to keep the “economic imperialists” out.
		This paper examines, from a philosophy of science perspective, the inherent differences between the disciplines of anthropology and economics that lie at the heart of this battle.
	ideas.repec.org /p/nom/occasi/3.html (476 words)

	CiteULike: A Handbook Of Economic Anthropology (Elgar Original Reference) (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-30)
		For more than a century, anthropologists have studied the economic lives and institutions of people around the world.
		The results of their research and reflection on economy have generally stayed within the discipline and have not been available in an accessible form to a broader readership.
		Furthermore it describes conceptual orientations that are important among economic anthropologists, and presents summaries of key issues in the anthropological study of economic life in different regions of the world.
	www.citeulike.org /user/krzywy/article/347288 (561 words)

	Newsletter - Winter 2001
		Anthropologists can obtain INT funding to supplement a regular award, or can apply directly to INT.
		Anthropologists are encouraged to propose multidisciplinary, collaborative projects for funding.
		This initiative is perfectly suited for many economic anthropologists, for the program announcement for 2000-2001 includes special attention to People and Social Groups Interacting with Computers and Infrastructure.
	nautarch.tamu.edu /anth/SEA/winter_2001.htm (1763 words)

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