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Topic: Eugene Genovese

	Eugene D. Genovese - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		Genovese was born in New York City and was awarded a BA from the Brooklyn College in 1953, a MA from Columbia University in 1955, and a PhD in 1959.
		Genovese saw the pre-1865 South as a closed and organically united paternalist society that cruelly exploited and attempted to dehumanize the slaves.
		Genovese paid close attention to the role of religion in the daily life of the slaves as a form of resistance because it gave the slaves a sense of humanity.
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Eugene_Genovese (908 words)

	Interpretations of Slavery: Eugene Genovese
		Eugene Genovese is right to denounce the "celebrations of self-indulgence" and "the irrational embrace by the left of a liberal program of personal liberation"; these have, in some circles, taken the place of any serious effort to build a righteous society.
		Genovese, while busily advising fl people how to combat "social decay" in their ranks, fails to note that the main reason fl communities demand political autonomy the only reason a racially-defined, "fl" community exists is that another community, the white community, exercises political authority over fl people.
		For Genovese, "The main problem" with soil exhaustion "lies in the reaction of social institutions," and the reaction of Southerners to soil exhaustion was, inevitably, shaped by the existence of slavery (p.
	cghs.dade.k12.fl.us /slavery/interpretations_of_slavery_in_U.S/genovese.htm (2405 words)

	Right Church, Wrong Pew
		Genovese appears to have squandered the original boldness of his thinking by abandoning its initial Marxian impulse, and thus detaching the anti-bourgeois, anti-market virtues of the southern hostility to modernity from their source in the defense of a slave society.
		Genovese's goal, however, is to retrieve this critique from the right and use it to batter both right-wing free marketeers, who preach the virtues of tradition while embracing the economic forces that do most to dissolve it, and left-wing personal liberationists whose radical egalitarianism is incompatible with the necessity for social discipline.
		Genovese is hardly the only leftist historian to seek solace in anti-modernist prescriptions drawn from pockets of opposition to the modern state, the spread of market values, and the secular faith in progress.
	www.wpunj.edu /newpol/issue23/lichte23.htm (4052 words)

	Commentary Magazine - The Southern Tradition, by Eugene D. Genovese (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		...Genovese, of course, is fully aware of the paradox, and he forthrightly explains his affinity with this tradition...
		...As Genovese himself points out somewhat defensively in his preface, one element of the tacit affinity between leftism and this brand of conservatism is that both are opposed to capitalism and bourgeois culture...
		...As a historian, Genovese thinks that the early Southern conservatives were quite correct in their construal of the Constitution, which, "whatever else may be said of it, embraced a tacit agreement to have peaceful coexistence between two social systems based on antagonistic systems of property and attendant moral principles...
	www.commentarymagazine.com /Summaries/V99I1P82-1.htm (1564 words)

	GenoveseRoll
		Genovese demonstrates many ways in which the slaves acted to assert their own identities, such as viewing themselves as a class above the “white trash,” distinguishing between the “good massa” and the “mean massa,” and appealing to the planter’s sense of guilt to provide for their sustenance, even after slavery had been abolished.
		Eugene D. Genovese received a Ph.D. from Colombia in 1959 and at the date of publication (1974) was chairman of the history department at the University of Rochester.
		Genovese argued that Blacks and Whites in America may be viewed as one nation or two, or as a nation within a nation, but their common history guaranteed that they are both American.
	personal.tcu.edu /~SWOODWORTH/GenoveseRoll.htm (2416 words)

	og.html
		Genovese's explanation does not eliminate Hegel's idea that the master's identity as a slave-holder is inexorably tied up with the existence--the identity--of his slaves.
		As Genovese says, it "represented an attempt to overcome the fundamental contradiction in slavery: the impossibility of the slaves' ever becoming the things they were supposed to be." When it came down to it, slaves would never only be objects in their experience of themselves.
		Genovese articulates a tension in the institution of slavery that, while slaves were objects to the master, they were not objects to themselves.
	intranet.dalton.org /hs/History/student_projects/slavery/essays/og.html (1940 words)

	Commentary Magazine - The World the Slaveholders Made, by Eugene D. Genovese (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		Like Eugene Genovese's previous studies of the ante-bellum South, the two essays which comprise this book attempt to examine slave societies through the prism of social class rather than by focusing primarily on race relations.
		...Genovese's Southern slaveholders are rarely singleminded agrarian capitalists, ruthlessly engaged in frank pursuit of the plantation dollar...
		...Genovese insists, however, that Fitzhugh's ideas, far from being merely idiosyncratic, were the ideological terminus of Southern "seigneurialism" and the "logical outcome" of a system of thought appropriate to the enclosed plantation world...
	www.commentarymagazine.com /Summaries/V50I4P89-1.htm (1659 words)

	Common-place: Re-readings: A Nettlesome Classic Turns Twenty-Five
		For Genovese, paternalism was an ideology rooted in the political economy of antebellum slavery, particularly in the efforts between 1831 and 1861 of a group of slaveholding "reformers" to stave off the growing antislavery movement in parts of the upper South and the nation at large.
		In Genovese's formulation, and this is the heart of the argument, slowing down, playing sick, mouthing off, burning down buildings, and, even, assaulting and murdering masters and overseers did not weaken the authority of the slaveholders, but actually strengthened it.
		Genovese formulates the relationship between these two types of resistance as being one of contradiction, thus missing the historical effect of day-to-day resistance in enabling collective resistance among American slaves.
	www.historycooperative.org /journals/cp/vol-01/no-04/reviews/johnson.shtml (2224 words)

	PlanetPapers - Genovese and Northup (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		It is not that Genovese himself is an apologist, but as a modern Caucasian, he must approach the subject of casting any light that might be perceived as positive on slaveholders with trepidation.
		Genovese suggests that the general trend of slaveholders is to use this kind of inducement to keep their slaves on their toes, but he doesn't have descriptions as graphic as this.
		Genovese's perspective of slavery is taken from a purely analytical background.
	www.planetpapers.com /Assets/1464.php (2474 words)

	Southern Front: History and Politics in the Cultural War, The
		Eugene Genovese is a Marxist historian, but he is a Marxist of a most unusual kind.
		Genovese does not support slavery; indeed, he thinks it is a fundamental failing of the Southern thinkers he admires that they failed adequately to confront its evils.
		Genovese's firm and muscular style conveys his enormous intellectual energy and his impatience with nonsense, from whatever source derived.1 I wish there were more Marxists like him.
	www.mises.org /misesreview_detail.asp?control=57&sortorder=issue (1355 words)

	[No title]
		Genovese, while busily advising fl people how to combat "social decay" in their ranks, fails to note that the main reason fl communities demand political autonomy ã the only reason a racially-defined, "fl" community exists ã is that another community, the white community, exercises political authority over fl people.
		This is the moment when, as Eugene Genovese says, all the resources of the Christian faith, not just as a source of social vision but as a resource of personal survival, must be called on.
		As one of the traditionalist conservatives mentioned by Eugene Genovese, it would be presumptuous indeed for me to comment on Eugene Rivers's "Responsibility of Intellectuals in the Age of Crack" and Genovese's response had I not been invited to do so.
	www.bostonreview.net /BR18.6/intellectualsage.html (3816 words)

	Harvard University Press: The Southern Tradition
		Eugene Genovese is a Marxist historian with conservative affiliations who has had a greater impact on current interpretations of the Southern past than any other scholar with the possible exception of C. Vann Woodward...Iconoclastic, defiant and thoroughly engaging, this Jeremiah finds little ground for optimism.
		Genovese calls us to task by identifying meritorious principles of the southern tradition and their relevance to contemporary politics.
		Eugene Genovese is Distinguished Scholar-in-Residence at the University Center in Atlanta, Georgia.
	www.hup.harvard.edu /catalog/GENSOU.html?show=reviews (444 words)

	Amazon.com: Roll, Jordan, Roll : The World the Slaves Made (Vintage): Books: Eugene D. Genovese (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		While Genovese is hardly an apologist for Southern slaveholders, he fully documents their case, citing numerous sociologists and historians who state that the physical living conditions of most slaves exceeded that of the working poor of Europe (and in many cases America as well).
		Genovese contends that slave control was maintained through Hegemony, a concept developed by Gramsci to explain how the ruling class under capitalism uses ideology to persuade workers to consent its own moral, political and cultural values to their own detriment, a concept that can have no meaning in a regime of physical coersion.
		Genovese's work, while extremely long and, I think pretentious at times in its tone, it is extemely well researched and is currently the last word on slave culture and the interaction between master and slave on southern plantations.
	www.amazon.com /exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0394716523?v=glance (2121 words)

	Books In Review: The Southern Tradition (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		In Genovese's view, this perspective-rooted in Judeo-Christian values today largely abandoned by American elites but still retaining a powerful influence in the country at large-need not and should not place authentic conservatives in opposition to capitalism per se or to a belief in individual freedom.
		Genovese uses it to demolish the argument that today's much maligned Religious Right is an illegitimate perversion of American political thought, to be dismissed accordingly.
		Genovese is hardly the first to note the cleavage that runs down the middle of the new conservative majority, dividing mostly secular free market libertarians from predominantly religious cultural conservatives.
	www.firstthings.com /ftissues/ft9512/reviews/southern.html (834 words)

	GenoveseRebellion
		Genovese, a historian who received his doctorate at Columbia University, argues that slave revolts were essentially a restorationist reaction against the pre-capitalist seigneurial system as well as capitalism and its trappings.
		Genovese summarizes his perspective on the global importance of slave revolts by stating that “slave revolts merged with larger struggles for national liberation and sociopolitical reform and benefited the bourgeoisie while encouraging the masses to challenge racism, exploitation, and oppression” (119).
		Eugene Genovese, educated at Columbia University, attempted a more ambitious approach to American slavery by describing it as a part of world history.
	personal.tcu.edu /~SWOODWORTH/GenoveseRebellion.html (1417 words)

	History News Network
		Genovese was hardly alone in breathing life into it, and the rise of the New Left created a receptive context.
		The political irony was that conservative historians often appreciated the seriousness of Genovese's scholarship and the respect that he showed to his scholarly predecessors (even reactionary and racist ones), while budding Marxist and leftist historians grew increasingly critical of Genovese's apparent admiration for the planter class of the South.
		And in fact, by the late 1980s Genovese and Fox-Genovese seemed well on their journey down a rightward road, criticizing the main professional organizations for submitting to feminism and multiculturalism, drawing close to the Catholic Church, winning honors and patronage from Republican officeholders, and commemorating Southern conservatism and evangelicalism.
	hnn.us /roundup/entries/21223.html (666 words)

	A Consuming Fire: The Fall of the Confederacy in the Mind of the White Christian South [Book Review] (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		Genovese does not claim that the majority of antebellum Southerners held to a pious theory of the Abrahamic household.
		One question Genovese asks is, "Could the slaveholders, as a class, ever have countenanced the kind of reforms that were being urged upon them by their pastors and their own Christian consciences?" His answer is nuanced, but in effect he thinks not.
		Genovese remarks in passing that on the problem of labor they had no Rerum Novarum to help them imagine how nonslave labor is rooted in something more than a materialistic ideology of absolute property.
	www.firstthings.com /ftissues/ft9908/reviews/hittinger.html (1947 words)

	newsrack blog
		Genovese, on the other hand, seems to favor a very "strict constructionist" approach to human affairs; he's certainly scathing about what he sees as dishonest attempts to reinterpret Scripture.* His conservatism is surprising if you, like me, only know Genovese superficially as the author of Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made.
		But because Genovese was a thorough historian of American slaves, he was necessarily also a historian of their 'owners,' and somewhere along the line, a self-avowed Marxist who abhorred slavery still found himself sympathizing with some of the arguments (some would say contortions) the slaveholding class used to justify and defend their way of life.
		Genovese seemed to hold that slaveholders were admirable to the extent that they assailed that other evil, market capitalism -- regardless of the essentially paternalistic, feudal, racist vision that was the true heart of their philosophy, and that enriched so many so handsomely.
	pages.prodigy.net /thomasn528/blog/2003_09_21_newsarcv.html (4201 words)

	AEI - Short Publications
		Genovese’s field is the history of the slave South, which he has explored from the point of view of both masters and slaves.
		Not that Genovese is a partisan of free-market economics, or at least of unbridled laissez- faire--far from it.
		Genovese has lately come to the attention of American conservatives of all tendencies because of his stout-hearted defense of academic freedom, civility, and ordinary decency in American universities.
	www.aei.org /publications/pubID.6052,filter.all/pub_detail.asp (940 words)

	Amazon.com: The Southern Tradition : The Achievement and Limitations of an American Conservatism: Books: Eugene Genovese (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		Genovese point out that southern conservatives accept "hierarchy and stratification as natural, necessary and proper," at the same time resisting a tendency toward sponsorship of a self-aggrandizing elite or artificial aristocracy.
		Genovese recognizes that the states' rights constitutional hermeneutic is by no means peculiar to the south, having its expression intensely felt in the north in the early 19th century.
		Genovese rightly rejects simplistic reductionism perpetrated by biased political theorists and sociologists who itinerate the dubious notion that southern conservatives are in fact quasi-fascists.
	www.amazon.com /exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0674825284?v=glance (1484 words)

	The American Enterprise: Eugene Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		GENOVESE: For most of its history, the South was a slave society in a way that the North, which tolerated slavery into the nineteenth century, was not, because the South developed a social system based on slavery.
		GENOVESE: We know people who are lifelong liberals, staunch supporters of the civil-rights movement, and they will say privately what they never say publicly, that one of the major reasons they support abortion rights is because they see no other way to control the number of fl and Hispanic babies being born.
		GENOVESE: I am painfully aware of my mistakes, and I’m not about to put down anybody who says, "I don’t have to listen to you." From the 1960s, when I was positioned on the far left, I was very active in insisting on a dialogue with conservatives.
	www.taemag.com /issues/articleid.16285/article_detail.asp (4310 words)

	FrontPage magazine.com :: Academic McCarthyism by Jerry Sternstein
		Whatever Genovese had accomplished as a historian over his lifetime was vitiated, in their eyes, by his membership in that organization -- which I'm not even certain he belonged to.
		Genovese was not honored at Brooklyn College's commencement that year, or, I believe, has he been honored since.
		Now if a highly regarded scholar such as Genovese can be denied an honorary degree because of his supposed association with a particular organization many politically correct academics on the left condemn, think of how a new candidate for an opening might fare if he or she belonged to the NAS or something similar.
	www.frontpagemag.com /Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=20840 (493 words)

	Amazon.ca: A Consuming Fire: The Fall of the Confederacy in the Mind of the White Christian South: Books (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		Eugene Genovese is the outstanding historian of the past 30 years.
		What Genovese shows here is that their experience in the Civil War led many southerners to decide that God was punishing them for not reforming their slave system.
		Genovese's subjects remained convinced that slavery was an institution that had been ordained by God; however, they decided that their prohibitions on slave marriage (which forced slaves to reproduce illicitly) and slave literacy (which kept slaves from becoming proper Protestants) were offensive to God, and many of them insisted on changes to remove these objections.
	www.amazon.ca /exec/obidos/ASIN/0820320463 (937 words)

	CITY OF TWINSBURG (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-12)
		Eugene Genovese, owner of 1875 Edgewood Drive, a single-family residence is requesting a variance to City of Twinsburg Development Regulations Section 1143.09 Area, Yard and Height Regulations, which requires a side building setback of not less than (10’) feet from any lot line.
		Eugene Genovese was present to request approval of a seven-foot (7’) variance.
		Genovese noted that the existing structure is set at three off of the property line.
	www.twinsburg.oh.us /Boards/2005/Minutes/ZA/za022305m.htm (2221 words)

	UPNE \| The Political Economy of Slavery
		Genovese’s highly stimulating volume is the analysis of the ante bellum political, economic, and social structure as a closed system with a built-in (and most un-American) resistance to change… [It] will move the discussion of the ante bellum South to a new level of sophistication.” -- Anne Firor Scott, The South Atlantic Quarterly
		EUGENE D. GENOVESE is Distinguished Professor of Arts and Sciences in the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Rochester.
		GENOVESE is former president (1979) of the Organization of American Historians and winner of the Bancroft Prize in 1974 for Roll, Jordan, Roll.
	www.upne.com /0-8195-6208-4.html (321 words)

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