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	Louis Hartz and the Liberal Tradition: from consensus to
		Before engaging in the academic pastime of after-the-fact critiques, or attempting to update or to revise the tenuous situation of liberalism at mid-decade of the twenty-first century, it might be valuable to summarize the view of liberalism as the dominant ideological thread in American history.
		Professor Hartz's essential view is that the tradition that comes down to us from John Locke is one that respects individual property rights while at the same time honors the sanctity of the social contract, and everybody's inalienable right to participate in it.
		It was Hartz's misfortune that at the very time he was announcing a liberal consensus, the crack-up of that long tradition was well underway.
	www.encyclopedia.com /doc/1G1-139587023.html (5387 words)

	[No title]
		Louis Hartz's thesis in The Liberal Tradition in America is based on the assumption that feudalism begets liberalism begets socialism.
		Hartz challenges that historians have never persuasively explained this contradiction because they separate the studies of American and European history, and the former must be evaluated in the context of the latter.
		Hartz thinks that the peculiarity of American politics is the result of a classless society; Wilentz says that not only is America a classed society, but indeed American liberalism must be considered in light of the laboring class.
	beatl.barnard.columbia.edu /students/ash3002y/buley/liberalism.html (1434 words)

	US Political Thought, Lecture 2
		Indeed, Hartz believes that it is not the middle-class but the upper-class that is frustrated, “trying to break out of the egalitarian confines of middle class life but suffering guilt and failure in the process” (8).
		Hartz is concerned that American liberalism, born at the height of the power of natural rights philosophy, possesses a fixed, dogmatic (9), compulsive and insular character poorly suited to America’s post-war position as a world power.
		Hartz asserts the preeminence of tradition in American life, only to declare that the specific tradition to be preserved is that of “atomistic social freedom” (62), a tradition of “new beginnings, daring enterprises, and explicitly stated principles...” bearing the marks of an “antihistorical rationalism” (48).
	darkwing.uoregon.edu /~jboland/lect_2.html (1976 words)

	History News Network
		The thesis of Hartz’s book—as Wolfe describes it, and as seems confirmed by my assiduous browsing--is that American politics operates within an ideological consensus established by the premises of a Lockean politics.
		Hartz argued that Locke's liberalism had morphed into the American way of life, creating a consensus around property rights, social mobility, individual freedom and popular democracy so powerful that no one could escape it.
		The trouble for Hartz’s thesis, however, is that a commitment to Lockean politics is as compatible with consensus as it is with conflict.
	hnn.us /blogs/comments/12867.html (1100 words)

	[No title] (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Hartz viewed the presence of "the liberal idea"among early Americans as important, but he did not think it was consciousness of a specific ideological heritage that made Americans liberal.
		Hartz now also took notice of Indians, predictably stressing the very real) influence of the Lockean argument that they had not mixed their labor with American soil enough to be able to claim it.
		Louis Hartz would have insisted that so long as the humanity of fls, other races, and women was publicly acknowledged, the United States would have to grant them equal access to full citizenship.
	xroads.virginia.edu /~DRBR/smith1.txt (13889 words)

	Liberalism in America
		As a young American political scientist, Professor Louis Hartz of Harvard, has brilliantly argued in his recent book The Liberal Tradition in America, the absence of feudalism is a basic factor in accounting for the pervasive liberalism of the American political climate.
		Hartz argues with some justice, have too often ignored the framework of consensus in their zest for conflict.
		American campaign oratory, Hartz warns, should never be taken for a sober description of issues; American partisan enthusiasm gives an air of violence to sham battles which the observer would nonetheless be sadly mistaken if he takes for war a l'outrance.
	www.writing.upenn.edu /~afilreis/50s/schleslib.html (2386 words)

	The Education Forum -> The American Political Tradition (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Louis Hartz sees the reality of 19th and early 20th century history stripped of the baggage of the Lockean myth, the myth of the self-made man rising up in a merit oriented world.
		Hartz engages more universal theories of class division, inequality and marginalization and he exposes the persistent failures of the liberal bourgeois model of government to “level” society, protect the disadvantaged, or relate to the outside world.
		Hartz’ central contribution and consistent theme is the narrow and isolated nature of political theory in the United States.
	educationforum.ipbhost.com /index.php?showtopic=3119 (4394 words)

	[No title]
		Hartz viewed the presence of "the liberal idea" among early Americans as important, but he did not think it was consciousness of a specific ideological heritage that made Americans likeral.
		Hartz saw conflicts in American history, but in his view they were all conflicts within liberal boundaries--between majority rule and individual or minority rights and specifically between democracy an~ property rights.
		Yet to Hartz, these conflicts were never as deeply problematic as the stifling consensus born of lived experience from which they stemmed, "the secret root" of all that was most distinctive and fundamental about America (1955, 9, 21 22, 63, 75, 89, 91, 12~29, 140, 147).
	xroads.virginia.edu /~PUBLIC/temp1/temp1/smith1.txt (11182 words)

	The Liberal Tradition in America
		The Liberal Tradition in America, by Louis Hartz, is an attempt to explain liberalism, which he defines to be the essential American state of mind, as being the result of our historical birth.
		If this sounds rather rehashed, dont be alarmed, Hartz prefaces the body of his work by explaining that its based on the storybook truth about American history, (3) and offers a quote from Alexis de Tocqueville in the dedication that further explains this idea.
		In other words, Hartzs worst nightmare has resulted; our liberal ethic has become our hindrance, and social elites now dominate our nations socioeconomic forum in such a way that it seems significant reformation is necessary to recapture the true ideals of a liberal society.
	web.syr.edu /~gavan/hartz.html (708 words)

	Origins and Teaching Objectives
		Influenced by the ideas of Antonio Gramsci, Louis Hartz, Kenneth Dolbeare and Patricia Dolbeare, James Weinstein, and Edward S. Greenberg I thought that it was important to discuss the sociology of political ideas in that class.
		Gramsci stresses the role of ideology for the dominant class to maintain hegemony (influence and control) over members of the working classes in society, as well and the importance of oppositional parties and movements developing a counter hegemonic ideology.
		Louis Hartz argues that the United States was born Liberal in the eighteenth century and that Liberal ideology (competitive individualism, private property, limited government, free-market capitalism, and progress) permeates every facet of “American” political culture.
	www.csuchico.edu /~gwright (483 words)

	Hartz Books (Used, New, Out-of-Print) - Alibris
		Hartz’ s influential interpretation of american political thought since the Revolution.
		Hartz elaborates his widly discussed "fragment theory" of new societies and projects some of its implications for the modern age.
		Club Fed: Living Inside a Women's Prison is the story of Dr. Lynn Hartz's problems with the United States legal system and incarceration in a women's prison.
	www.alibris.com /search/books/author/Hartz (708 words)

	John Gerring - The Perils of Particularism: Political History After Hartz - Journal of Policy History 11:3
		The reason that Louis Hartz still lingers in the corridors of American History writing [End Page 319] is that no synthetic statement about the American past has yet been formulated with power and sweep to match The Liberal Tradition in America.
		It is certainly not the condition of Louis Hartz.
		My point, of course, is that in order to discover whether or not Hartz is right--or to what extent he is right--demands a comprehensive, and probably comparative, approach to historywriting, not more case studies.
	www.bu.edu /polisci/people/faculty/gerring/ParticularismJPH.htm (3899 words)

	[No title]
		Hartz was a Marxist who gave up, though not entirely, his Marxism.
		Hartz’s concern, we might say, is not so much liberalism as it is illiberalism in extremis.
		For that, in the end, is what is most useful in Hartz for us today: not his flawed account of a dogmatic, hegemonic liberalism but his deft navigation of the reactionary currents of American political culture.
	www.againstwot.com /Robin.doc (7461 words)

	SchocketAndrew3.htm
		Louis Hartz, in his seminal work Economic Policy and Democratic Thought: Pennsylvania, 1776-1860, argued that the Pennsylvania state legislature took an active role in fostering the development of corporate enterprise during the first three decades of the nineteenth century.
		The evidence most exhibited to make the case for legislative encouragement of corporations, especially in Pennsylvania, is the state’s ownership of stock in both banks and in internal improvement companies, which led Louis Hartz to use the term “mixed enterprise” to describe Keystone-State corporations.
		William G. Shade, declare’s Louis Hartz’s characterization of much internal-improvement spending as pump-priming “anachronistic,” but one would be hard-pressed to find any policy that embodies that principle more fully at any time before Maynard Keynes methodically delineated it in the twentieth century.
	www.h-net.msu.edu /~shear/s2000.d/pa/SchocketAndrew3.htm (3248 words)

	Article (Mahmud): Bridge-Building - III (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Hartz noticed that the ideologies in new societies formed by people of European origin took a different evolutionary trajectory than their counterparts in Europe.
		Hartz's thesis can be employed to understand and explore the spatial and temporal lines of division between the resident, the whole according to his terminology; and the non-resident Bangladeshis, the parts or fragments of the whole.
		Hartz believed that the very nature of fragmentation prevented both those who stay with the whole and those who leave with the part, from understanding the pattern involved.
	www.globalwebpost.com /shetu/archive/article_archive/mahmud_bridge3.htm (1732 words)

	The New York Times: Premium Archive
		Hartz argued that Locke's liberalism had morphed into the American way of life, creating a consensus around property rights, social mobility, individual freedom and popular democracy so powerful that no one could escape it.
		And since Hartz believed that the liberal tradition in America unlocked the secret of everything that had ever taken place in American politics, his generalizations can be breathtaking.
		To do so, Americans would have to accept that they were beneficiaries of a liberal political philosophy with responsibilities to the frequently illiberal world they dominated, and stop their illusory attempt to stand outside their own history and traditions.
	query.nytimes.com /gst/fullpage.html?res=9C02EFDE1F3BF930A35754C0A9639C8B63 (1181 words)

	Hartz Mountain Industries, Inc.
		A rare 18th century Gobelin tapestry, one of a series woven for Louis XIV of France, hangs directly behind the elegant concierge desk setting the tone for visitors entering its 40-foot high limestone-clad lobby.
		The 203-room hotel boasts an impressive eight story atrium lounge, a plush 100 seat screening room in the lower lobby, and the finest in-room amenities and technological services available.
		The building's small scale brick façade and cast-iron detailing was designed by Hartz architect John Prince, RA.
	www.hartzmountain.com /developments/manhattan.phtml (400 words)

	The Liberal Tradition in America
		As a people, we never had to stage a social revolution against an existing order nor did we construct a new society from the ashes of the old.
		Americans were "born equal, instead of becoming so," Alexis de Tocqueville remarked, and that simple fact serves as the catalyst for Louis Hartz's classic and challenging study of American political thought.
		Hartz contends that America gave rise to a new concept of a liberal society, a "liberal tradition" that has been central to our experience of events both at home and abroad from the earliest times to the present.
	www.ou.edu /cas/psc/bookhartz.htm (488 words)

	The Harvard Crimson :: News :: Off The Cuff (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Unfortunately Hartz did not join the discussion very much, chiefly because he was more polite than most of the undergraduates present.
		As always with Hartz, both the style and the substance were brilliant.
		And Hartz is so successful in this effort that his audience laughs, not because what he says is funny, but because it is so perfectly right.
	www.thecrimson.com /printerfriendly.aspx?ref=205495 (283 words)

	The New York Times: Premium Archive
		The more congenial Hartz described Americans as possessing ''a vast and almost charming innocence of mind''; his hope was that the postwar encounter with the rest of the world would awaken his countrymen from their sheltered, basically oafish naïveté.
		Hartz urged scholars to get ''outside the national experience''; ''instead of recapturing our past, we have got to transcend it,'' he said.
		Fifty years ago, Louis Hartz expressed the hope that the cold war would bring an end to American provincialism, that international responsibility would lead to ''a new level of consciousness.'' It hasn't happened.
	query.nytimes.com /gst/fullpage.html?res=9C03EEDD1039F936A35755C0A9639C8B63 (3883 words)

	Commentary Magazine - The Liberal Tradition in America: An Interpretation of American Political Thought Since the ... (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Boorstin, Daniel J. HARTZ attempts to explain the American liberal tradition by relating it to European history.
		...Hartz's obviously lively mind expresses itself not in new insights but in the translation of cliche into paradox...
		...Hartz's work is perhaps an accurate expression of the current "liberal" tradition, which seems unable to avert its gaze from the library long enough to discover the characteristic processes and virtues of American life...
	www.commentarymagazine.com /Summaries/V20I1P105-1.htm (951 words)

	Bay Marina
		Bay Marina is located in Bay St Louis on the Edwards bayou, conveniently located between Gulfport, MS and Slidell, LA just 5 miles off exit 13 on I-10.
		From the Gulf of Mexico, 4 miles across St Louis bay to the Jourdan river, 1 mile to the Edwards bayou and 1 mile to bay marina just past the Choctaw bayou.
		Bay Marina is under reconstruction from damage caused by hurricane Katrina.
	www.baymarina.com (170 words)

	Major Focus of Advertising in House Campaigns*
		The progressive theory to which Hartz referred was, of course, that reflected in the works of Beard, Parrington, J. Allen Smith, Turner, and other social scientists, primarily historians, at the turn of the century.
		In stressing the continuing cleavage in American society between elite and mass, the progressive historians were, as Hartz noted, reacting in large part against the earlier "Patriotic" historians who had celebrated the unity of the country and the beneficence of its founders.
		Hartz’s analysis is outstanding among the consensus writings for three reasons.
	spot.colorado.edu /~mcguire/paradigms.htm (8566 words)

	leavelle (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		A political scientist, Ericson modifies and extends the “liberal consensus” thesis proposed by Louis Hartz in the 1950s.
		Like Hartz, he American believes that liberal ideas synthesized political thought and were, therefore, primary compared to other intellectual traditions such as that even the republicanism and Protestantism.
		Ericson goes farther than Hartz in arguing proslavery movement, so easily dismissed as merely attacking the reactionary and racist, presented coherent liberal arguments in defense of slavery, just as antislavery activists did in institution.
	jsr.fsu.edu /2001/reviews/leavelle.htm (1019 words)

	Louis Hartz and the Liberal Tradition: from consensus to crack-up Modern Age - Find Articles
		Louis Hartz and the Liberal Tradition: from consensus to crack-up Modern Age - Find Articles
		Louis Hartz and the Liberal Tradition: from consensus to crack-up
		Modern Age, Summer, 2005 by Irving Louis Horowitz
	findarticles.com /p/articles/mi_m0354/is_3_47/ai_n15927268 (762 words)

	CTheory.net
		Briefly, Hartz' theory is that the so-called "new societies" that were established by immigrants, or emigrants, from Britain -- the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa -- were fragments, cultural fragments.
		The most important refutation came from the so-called "republicans" or "civic humanists" who tried to argue that the United States was actually founded on the basis of a republican theory of virtue which would subordinate private individuals to the public good.
		It concludes with a kind of communitarian translation of the Declaration of Independence, which begins, "We hold these truths to be historically conditioned: that all men are created equal and mutually dependent...." (laughter) Which is a sort of reductio ad absurdum of a communitarian or republican interpretation of the history of American political thought.
	www.ctheory.net /text_file.asp?pick=397 (7546 words)

	Me Three (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Louis Hartz broke new ground by writing about how “Americanism” is an ideology that represents both strong isolationist and interventionist tendencies.
		Hartz agrees that Bryan represents the American spirit of a withdrawal from “alien” things (297) rather than any principled position.
		Hartz argued that the utter domination of liberalism was unique to America, but that a liberal absolutism that destroys memory and circumvents the development of alternative ideas is a suffocating and wholly negative phenomenon.
	www.methree.net /archives/June/grueterintervention2.html (2256 words)

	ramirez (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-10-13)
		Hartz believes Lockean liberalism is and always was at the core of American political ideology and history.
		While Hartz saw the Lockean influence in America in terms of individualism and self-interest, and did not depict the Revolution as a Lockean one carried out by citizens well versed in the Two Treatises or who had a working knowledge of Locke,
		They range from Hartz and Becker on one extreme; placing Locke and only Locke at the core of the American mindset, ideology, and political system to Pocock and his followers on the other extreme; diminishing Locke's influence to irrelevance.
	chnm.gmu.edu /courses/zagarri/hist499/students/ramirez.html (4396 words)

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