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	Max Shachtman - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		Shachtman was born in 1904 to a Jewish family in Warsaw, Poland, which was then part of the Russian Empire.
		Shachtman also successfully nominated Burnham, Abern and Ernest McKinney as the SWP's three delegates to the Pan-American Conference which prepared the founding congress of the Fourth International, at which Shachtman was a delegate and one of the presiding committee.
		Shachtman no longer endorsed the Trotskyist conclusion that the Soviet Union was a "degenerated workers' state," a post-capitalist country in which political control had been won by a bureaucratic caste that was not a new ruling class.
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Max_Shachtman (3006 words)

	Ernest Haberkern: Introduction to Max Shachtman (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Max Shachtman was one of the two most prominent spokespersons and representatives of the Trotskyist movement in the United States from the late 20s to the early 60s.
		Is it still in some sense “our side.” Shachtman put himself at the head of those who opted for a “Third Camp” of the working class and the oppressed in general against both the old capitalist states and the new exploiting class that was contending for power.
		And besides, Shachtman was always a brilliant polemicist and popularizer and his forceful personality made him a formidable opponent.
	www.marxists.org /archive/shachtma/intro.htm (498 words)

	Alex Callinicos: Trotskyism (Chap. 4.1)
		Shachtman, however, disagreed with Trotsky that statization was a sufficient condition of the existence of a workers’ state.
		Shachtman’s insistence that the USSR was a new form of class society produced by the contradictions of capitalism, but that socialism nevertheless remained on the agenda as a resolution of these contradictions superior to bureaucratic collectivism, made possible a dramatic political somersault.
		By 1947 Shachtman (1962: 87) was arguing that, far from being more progressive than capitalism, “Stalinism is precisely one of the forms of barbarism which has manifested itself in the course of the decay of a society which the proletariat has not yet succeeded in lifting onto a rational plane”.
	www.marxists.de /trotism/callinicos/4-1_heresies.htm (1989 words)

	Max Shachtman (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Shachtman and his supporters were expelled from the SWP and founded the Workers Party which became the Independent Socialist League[Click link for more facts about this topic] in 1948.
		Shachtmanism was a form of trotskyism associated with max shachtman....
		The most lasting legacy of Shachtman may be the intellectual contribution that Shachtman's followers and colleagues made to neoconservatism[Follow this hyperlink for a summary of this subject].
	www.absoluteastronomy.com /encyclopedia/m/ma/max_shachtman.htm (1857 words)

	Third camp - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		This approach was developed by Max Shachtman and is one of the major components of left Shachtmanism.
		Analyising the USSR's invasion of Finland in 1940, Shachtman concluded that the USSR's policy was one of imperialism and that it was a reactionary war in which the best result for the international working class would be the defeat of the USSR.
		Shachtman's support for defeat of official Communist nations' expansionism (the second camp) drifted rightward into support for the capitalist nations (the first camp).
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Third_camp (426 words)

	STATE IN DEBATE
		Shachtman and his supporters, who left the Socialist Workers Party (the American section of the Fourth International) to form the Workers Party (WP), argued that the USSR was not, as Trotsky claimed, a degenerated workers' state, but rather the first instance of a new, exploitative mode of production, bureaucratic collectivism.
		Shachtman's writings, for example, are available chiefly in a collection, The Bureaucratic Revolution, which has long been out of print, and many of the articles were in any case bowdlerised by the author in order to reflect his current political opinions as opposed to those he held when he originally wrote them.
		Shachtman's first version of the theory of bureaucratic collectivism thus took over many of the features of Trotsky's analysis of Stalinism that made it so fragile and vulnerable to political events, at the same time adding to it the further contradiction that this `belated', `transitory', `anachronism' was simultaneously `a new, exploitative society'.
	pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk /isj73/callinic.htm (3944 words)

	Introduction to Max Shachtman (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Shachtman wrote "Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg" when he was second only to Trotsky in the international Trotskyist movement in terms of authority, prestige and respect.
		Shachtman and Trotsky split at the start of the Second World War in a dispute over whether the Stalinist states could still be seen as workers’ states.
		Shachtman would become notorious for his actions in the 1960s when he condoned the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961, opposed US withdrawal from Vietnam and supported the US Democrats.
	www.whatnextjournal.co.uk /Pages/Back/Wnext3/Intro.html (2597 words)

	Part of Our History (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Shachtman later supported the US bombing of Vietnam on the same grounds, leading to a further split in what was then the Social Democrats of the USA, with opponents of the bombing led by Michael Harrington forming the Democratic Socialists of America.
		Shachtman is seen (pp 262-3) in 1943 to claim that the Workers Party "is made up of at least ninety per cent of proletarian men and women" and that more workers read the Workers Party’s newspaper, Labor Action, than the all the publications of the SWP combined.
		Shachtman here argues that it is important to indicate the limits of the development of the Stalinist bureaucracy, "precisely in order to distinguish it from the fundamental historical classes".
	www.isf.org.uk /ISFJournal/ISF4/PartOfOurHistory.htm (5683 words)

	This is the next-to-last installment in my series of articles on slavery, the Civil War and Reconstruction
		Max Shachtman's "Communism and the Negro" was written in 1933.
		Shachtman was trying to persuade the Trotskyist movement that fl-white unity around class demands was superior to either Trotsky's support for self-determination developed during his Prinkipo exile or the CPUSA's own "fl belt" slogan, which arose during the "3rd period".
		Shachtman chose these words carefully in order to support his thesis that despite the victory over the slavocracy, the South was not reorganized on a "purely capitalistic" basis.
	www.columbia.edu /~lnp3/mydocs/origins/post4.htm (2215 words)

	James Burnham - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
		He allied with Max Shachtman in a faction fight with the majority in the party led by James Cannon over the question of the nature of the Soviet Union.
		Cannon, backed by Leon Trotsky held that the USSR was a degenerated workers state while Shachtman and Burnham contended that the Soviet Union was bureaucratic collectivist and thus not worthy of being supported even critically.
		The party dispute led to Shachtman, Burnham and their supporters leaving the SWP in 1940 but soon after Burnham broke with Shacthman and left the communist movement altogether and worked for the Office of Strategic Services during the war.
	en.wikipedia.org /wiki/James_Burnham (694 words)

	Trotsky's ghost wandering the White House
		Throughout the 1930s, Shachtman loyally hewed to the Trotsky line that the Soviet Union as a state deserved to be defended even though Stalin's leadership had to be overthrown.
		Shachtman argued in the 1940s and 1950s that socialists should oppose both capitalism and Soviet communism, both Washington and Moscow.
		Shachtman had a legion of young followers (known as Shachtmanites) active in labour unions and had an umbrella group known as the Social Democrats.
	www.prisonplanet.com /trotskys_ghost_wandering_the_white_house.htm (1607 words)

	Socialist Review (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Shachtman, a full time Communist Party organiser in the 1920s, was expelled in 1928 for supporting the Left Opposition, led by Trotsky.
		Shachtman did not reject the right of self determination as a general principle, but he did not believe it applied to the race issue in the US.
		Shachtman contended that the working class and socialist movements in the US would never advance without ceaseless and uncompromising campaigns against racism.
	www.socialistreview.org.uk /article.php?articlenumber=8491 (627 words)

	The Russian Question: A debate between Raya Dunayevskaya and Max Shachtman \| Workers' Liberty (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		It is important to bring to light efforts by Marxists to come to grips with the existence of Stalinism which, in the USSR and Eastern Europe whose legacy still constitutes a major block to socialist revolution.
		Ruth to Shachtman: Forest in her studies of the Russian economy showed that in Russia the same relationship exists between the production of the means of production (Dept I) and the production of the means of consumption (Dept II) as exists in capitalist society.
		Shachtman insists that state capitalism has never been seen and that real statification is only the combination of private property with state power behind it.
	www.workersliberty.org /node/view/4714 (16918 words)

	Amazon.com: Dog Days: James P. Cannon Vs. Max Shachtman in the Communist League of America, 1931-1933: Books: Max ... (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Throughout the 1920's Shachtman was a key junior associate of Cannon's faction in the Communist Party and did yeoman's work as a journalist and editor when Cannon was assigned by the Party to run the International Labor Defense.
		Shachtman's later personal history leading the fight in 1939-40 in the Socialist Workers Party away from defense of the Soviet Union (when it became really operative and necessary) to eventual `State Department' socialism and worst bears this out.
		In contrast, Shachtman (and Glotzer) have nothing important to say on this period except dismay at the stifling of their intellectual talents by the boorish Cannon.
	www.amazon.com /exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0963382888?v=glance (1924 words)

	The Third Camp as History And a Living Legacy
		Max Shachtman himself, in many ways the founding figure of the Third Camp, ended up at "either-or" during the Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961 when he made the case for the victory of the counter-revolutionary invasion.
		Shachtman's method was to ignore the brute fact of the imperialist control over the invading force and to present them as a liberation movement because some trade unionists were involved, and to argue that liberation movements had every right to take arms from where they could.
		Max Shachtman was moved to comment that "the very fountainhead of Stalinist fiction is the official position of the SWP" in which "the appointment of slave-drivers over industry by the GPU equals.
	www.wpunj.edu /~newpol/issue27/johnso27.htm (10829 words)

	AWL-watch™: AWL in turmoil Weekly Worker 501 (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		The AWL and its predecessors took from Shachtman not merely some of his correct but inadequately theorised criticisms of orthodox Trotskyismâs metaphysical insistence of the âproletarianâ nature of the Stalinised USSR and its later clone states.
		In reality, what had happened was a complete loss of perspective in the intervening years, which led particularly the then dominant Mandelite tendency to tail virtually every radical movement on the face of the planet, irrespective of their absurd pretensions and baseless promises.
		Shachtman (and his French co-thinkers) had at least some excuse in terms of the âfog of warâ and some degree of ignorance of what was going on - there is some evidence he may have had second thoughts about his 1948 position later, in the 1950s.
	awl-watch.blogspot.com /2003/10/awl-in-turmoilweekly-worker-501.html (3539 words)

	The decline and fall of a one-time Marxist (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Shachtman was a dynamic organiser and a tireless speaker -- witty, trenchant, passionate (and long: there was a standing Trotskyist joke that Stalin expected to create socialism in one country and Shachtman in one speech”).
		Shachtman's was the common fate of many radicals who renounce an independent revolutionary political challenge for the more “realistic” manoeuvring in parliamentary parties which aim to administer, not bury, capitalism.
		Shachtman abandoned the strategy of social change through industrial and political struggle in the streets and factories and offices, in favour of currying backroom influence with the top levels of trade unions and parliamentary parties.
	www.greenleft.org.au /back/1994/137/137p25.htm (934 words)

	ESR \| March 22, 2004 \| Neoconservatives and Trotskyism - Page 1
		The supposed link with Trotskyism comes in the form of Max Shachtman, the leader of the 1940 split from official Trotskyism who would later go on to call the Socialist Party home and play a key role in that party's right-wing from the late 1950s to his death in 1972.
		Shachtman occupies a fascinating place in the history of Marxism in the US for having moved, over the span of 20 years, all the way from Trotskyism to a fervently anti-communist version of social democracy.
		But what has conveniently been forgotten by the paleocons amidst their frantic references to Max Shachtman's "Trotskyism" is that Shachtman broke definitively with his unique version of that ideology in the mid 1950s, even before dissolving the International Socialist League (ISL, successor to the Workers' Party) and joining the Socialist Party in 1958.
	www.enterstageright.com /archive/articles/0304/0304neocontrotp1.htm (2434 words)

	\| Reviews / Comptes Rendus \| Labour/Le Travail, 52 \| The History Cooperative
		No "unity" could prevail, especially in a context of World War, with these differences separating Cannon, Shachtman, and their respective followers; indeed, it was not long before Shachtman and his minority (which included a substantial section of the Trotskyist youth) split from the SWP to form the short-lived Workers Party (WP).
		Over the course of the 1940s and 1950s Shachtman drifted to the right, and eventually his 'Third Camp' politics, which soon came to regard both Stalinism and capitalism as equally pernicious enemies of socialism, led to his failure to condemn even American imperialism's Bay of Pigs invasion of the Cuban deformed workers' state.
		Trotsky found Shachtman too cozy with unprincipled maneuverings and cliquist formations and insufficiently forthright in his reports and interactions, and the documents presented establish that without question.
	www.historycooperative.org /journals/llt/52/br_21.html (1754 words)

	Race and Revolution (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		Racial oppression, Shachtman argues, can be comprehended only within the totality of social and class relations.The document culminates in a devastating polemic against the Communist Party’s call for a Black Belt state in the American South.
		A clarifying introduction by Christopher Phelps explains the document’s historical genesis, compares it to the views of Trotsky and C. James, and evaluates it in light of subsequent theoretical and historical developments.
		Max Shachtman (1904–72) was a socialist organizer, orator and writer.
	www.versobooks.com /books/nopqrs/s-titles/shachtman_race_rev.shtml (251 words)

	Facilitating permanent social change
		Shachtman continued to edit The New International for a brief time, but his main role during the Second World War and through most of the Fifties was that of a political leader and spokesman of the Workers Party and its successor after 1948, the Independent Socialist League....
		Shachtman and his comrades concentrated their main political propaganda on the defense of democracy against all exploitative and oppressive regimes, whether right wing or Stalinist.
		Max Shachtman was the principal witness for the organizations in the protracted hearings in Washington D.C. Thereafter, the ISL and its youth section dissolved into the Socialist Party, now Social Democrats, USA.
	www.crossroad.to /Quotes/brainwashing/rand_school_of_social-sciences.htm (3623 words)

	THE NEO-JACOBINS : SF Indymedia (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		The post-Trotskyist ideology developed by Max Shachtman, who broke with Trotsky over the nature of the Soviet Union, took on a life of its own during the cold war years.
		Devoted to spreading "global democracy," Shachtman's former followers soon coalesced into a potent intellectual force that had no trouble taking over the intellectual institutions of the Right as they made their way from one end of the political spectrum to the other.
		The indelible imprint of their Trotskyist legacy is a principled bellicosity: combined with intellectual aggressiveness and a capacity for bureaucratic infighting, the neocons in power make formidable opponents.
	sf.indymedia.org /mail.php?id=1649828 (1511 words)

	Julius Jacobson (1922-2003) \| Workers' Liberty (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-06)
		One of the most agonising essays Julie was called upon to write was “The Two Deaths of Max Shachtman” in the Winter 1973 issue of New Politics.
		Shachtman had earned the admiration of a generation of radicals of previous decades by his political courage in engaging and opposing and — in Julie’s estimation — besting Trotsky, whom he “loved, respected and feared”, and for his intellectual and political contributions to the understanding of Stalinism.
		In the 40s and early 50s, Max had had unusually warm relations — unusual for the difficult and ungenerous Shachtman, that is — with Julie and Phyllis.
	www.workersliberty.org /node/view/1472 (1567 words)

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