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Topic: Transitional Programme for Socialist Revolution


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  1952 Revolution - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The 1952 Revolution was a military coup d'état that took place on July 23rd, 1952 by a group of young army officers who named themselves "The Free Officers Movement".
The revolution initially aimed at overthrowing King Farouk I. However, the movement had more political ambitions and soon decided to abolish the constitutional monarchy and establish a republic.
The success of the 1952 Revolution inspired numerous Arab and African nations to undergo a similar experience to remove what they believed to be corrupted regimes.
en.wikipedia.org /wiki/1952_Revolution   (2639 words)

  
 Libertarian socialism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Libertarian socialists believe that all social bonds should be developed by individuals who have an equal amount of bargaining power, that an accumulation of economic power in the hands of a few and the centralization of political power both reduce the bargaining power—and thus the liberty of the other individuals in society.
Libertarian socialists seek to replace unjustified authority with direct democracy and voluntary federation in all aspects of life, including physical communities and economic enterprises.
Although most felt the Russian Revolution was working class in character, they believed that, since capitalist relations still existed (because the workers had no say in running the economy), the Soviet Union ended up as a state capitalist country, with the state replacing the individual capitalist.
en.wikipedia.org /wiki/Libertarian_socialism   (4425 words)

  
 Price: Transitional Programme in perspective - WA   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
A programme which does not genuinely serve as a bridge from the consciousness of workers today to the maximum programme of the socialist revolution, and which instead seeks to batter workers into submission with an endless list of demands outside of space and time, ceases to have any agitational character.
[15] (The analogy was to the aftermath of the revolutions of 1848.)
To redevelop a transitional programme for today is an international task, and one not easily accomplished by thinly spread groups of revolutionaries with little experience of leading masses in struggle, and in a non-revolutionary period.
www.marxists.org /history/etol/document/transprog/wa01.htm   (2977 words)

  
 Mansoor Hekmat - Essays
The theoretical preparedness of the socialist movement of the proletariat is not merely achieved by the scientific understanding of the Marxist theory by the working-class party, and it cannot be merely reduced to the existing theoretical literature of this movement.
Indeed, once the non-revolutionary and capitalist course of development was chosen, and the cause of economic revolution was neglected and reduced to state economy and planning, then for all intents and purposes Stalin's line became an impediment to the further development of the revolutionary Russian society and to the continuation of the workers' revolution.
The likelihood of this revolution taking place and the possibilities which such a revolution would have provided for the Russian proletariat was itself one of the reasons for the lack of any concrete steps being envisioned by the Bolsheviks in regard to the question of economic transformation in Russia itself.
www.m-hekmat.com /en/2500en.html   (17631 words)

  
 We'll fight them in the hedgerows: socialist answers to the crisis in the countryside
A socialist alternative has to begin by drawing a class line between the super-rich barley barons and agribusiness moguls with their vast land assets on the one hand, and the small farmers and farm workers on the other.
Socialists want to protect the food chain and ensure that no avoidable chances are taken with the crops we grow.
A socialist policy for the countryside has to open up the widest possible access to the countryside, but also ensure that environmentally sound policies are rewarded and activities which undermine local environmental welfare are outlawed.
pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk /isj91/lister.htm   (6602 words)

  
 Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
Without a socialist revolution, in the next historical period at that, a catastrophe threatens the whole culture of mankind.
The strategic task of the next period—prerevolutionary period of agitation, propaganda and organization—consists in overcoming the contradiction between the maturity of the objective revolutionary conditions and the immaturity of the proletariat and its vanguard (the confusion and disappointment of the older generation, the inexperience of the younger generation.
The central task of the colonial and semi-colonial countries is the agrarian revolution, i.e., liquidation of feudal heritages, and national independence, i.e., the overthrow of the imperialist yoke.
www.marxists.org /archive/trotsky/works/1938-tp/index.htm   (14118 words)

  
 The Scottish debate: On the Socialist Party in England and Wales
Running throughout the material of the International Socialist Movement PC is an attempt to downgrade the work of the Committee for a Workers’ International, and in particular of the Socialist Party in England and Wales.
The main aim of this article appears to be to justify the Socialist Party's leadership opposition to the launch of the Scottish Socialist Party and its refusal to recognise the importance of Socialist Alliances in the process of rebuilding the workers movement".
It claims that the "Socialist Party has been marginalised in London, with the SWP allowed to grab the leadership of the movement which is now attracting the support of a significant minority of the working class and the youth" (paragraph 330).
www.marxist.net /scotland/aug2000/CWI/9.htm   (2311 words)

  
 Weekly Worker - paper of the Communist Party of Great Britain
All parts of the Socialist Alliance have to be brought on board and into a process of rapprochement, and all have something valuable to contribute.
Our programme thus establishes the basis for agreed action and is the lodestar, the point of reference, around which the voluntary unity of the Socialist Alliance is built and concretised.
The opening remarks are a brief preamble describing the origins of the Socialist Alliance and the decision to produce a programme.
www.cpgb.org.uk /worker/368/introduction.htm   (1708 words)

  
 Weekly Worker 514 Thursday February 5 2004
Before its January 25 launch Rob Hoveman, Socialist Alliance secretary and trusted Socialist Workers Party functionary, insisted that, despite the skeletal and altogether vague platform, Respect is “absolutely socialist”.
Their basic argument amounted to this: Respect is not a socialist organisation and therefore it would be mistaken to include socialist principles in its declaration.
Slogans are the crystallisation of the programme, a way of propagating key demands, or calls to action serving to advance programmatic aims.
www.cpgb.org.uk /worker/514/partynotes.html   (1244 words)

  
 Center for Worker-socialist Studies   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
Our critique of the experience of the workers' revolution in Russia is the critique of a real historical process promoted by active social forces, and as such must therefore begin by regarding and assessing this phenomenon in terms of its objective dynamism and of the movement of social forces present at the time.
Of course, this understanding of the economic tasks of the workers' revolution and this conception of socialism, was a heritage of the Second Interna tional and of the technological determinism and evolutionism dominant in its system of thinking, and did not only reveal the theoretical state of Russian social democracy.
Indeed, in the concrete case of Russia, it is one of our arguments that a refusal to advance the Russian revolution, and to continue the proletarian revolutions to the extent of fundamentally revolutionising the whole economic system in Russia, was itself tantamount to refusing to promote the Russian workers as active and effective internationalists.
www.worker-socialism.com /outlines.html   (17523 words)

  
 portland imc - 2005.06.04 - The need for a Marxist party: the SEP
The central effort of the Socialist Equality Party, especially in the postings of our web site, is the political clarification and education of the working class, students, youth and all others who seek progressive answers to war and social misery.
The Transitional Programme is not however the programme of the Fourth International as is often suggested but instead contains a summation of the conjunctural understanding of the movement at that date and a series of transitional policies designed to develop the struggle for workers power.
Trotsky advocated proletarian revolution as set out in his theory of "permanent revolution", and believed that a workers' state would not be able to hold out against the pressures of a hostile capitalist world unless socialist revolutions quickly took hold in other countries as well.
portland.indymedia.org /en/2005/06/318768.shtml   (3350 words)

  
 Trotsky: The Transitional Programme. The Death Agony of Capitalism and the Tasks of the Fourth International
Only they are capable of bringing the democratic revolution to a conclusion and likewise opening an era of socialist revolution.
The relative weight of the individual democratic and transitional demands in the proletariat's struggle, their mutual ties and their order of presentation, is determined by the peculiarities and specific conditions of each backward country and to a considerable extent by the degree of its backwardness.
Nevertheless, the general trend of revolutionary development in all backward countries can be determined by the formula of the permanent revolution in the sense definitely imparted to it by the three revolutions in Russia (1905, February 1917, October 1917).
www.marxist.net /trotsky/programme/soviet.htm   (1258 words)

  
 Artikel   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
Socialism means that the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie in society and state for a transitional period is replaced by that of the working class, of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat.
But it is equally clear that the bourgeoisie that in the socialist revolution looses its position as ruling and privileged class, will use any means available, including force of arms, to prevent the establishment of real people's power.
The forms will be decided by the conditions under which the socialist democracy will be built, by the class struggle, with the view of guaranteeing maximal manifoldness within the framework of the defence of the socialist transformation.
www.kommunistiskapartiet.org /Program/Partiprogramengelska.html   (5616 words)

  
 WHAT LESSONS FROM THE KOREAN GENERAL STRIKE   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
Forging this revolutionary link is important to break South Korean workers illusions in the OECD, the ILO and the Federation of Free Trade Unions, all of which have a rotten record in pushing restoration in the former degenerate workers states.
It is necessary to break from that strategy and fight for an unlimited general strike as part of a transitional programme for socialist revolution.
Because the government is acting under a constitution which allows a virtual dictatorship, a transitional demand for a Constituent Assembly to write a new constitution should be raised.
home.igc.org /~itobr/idm1/idm1kor.html   (1739 words)

  
 The Portuguese Revolution
The leaders of the junta promised "to complete a programme of salvation for the country and the restitution to the Portuguese people of the civil liberties of which they have been deprived".
The arrival of both Soares, the Socialist leader, and Cunhal, the CP leader, were met with massive demonstrations.
On a fighting programme such as this, the Portuguese workers could unite all the impoverished and oppressed sections of society, for the transition from the Portuguese February to the Portuguese October, which would have an even more decisive effect on the history of mankind than the Russian Revolution itself.
www.marxist.com /History/portugal1974.html   (3433 words)

  
 League for the Fifth International | Permanent Revolution 08   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
In this regard the most important omission was her lack of treatment of the TRPF.27 But for Marx it was this law which made necessary the expansion of capitalism across the world in an attempt to escape the contradictions of accumulation that ?ow from this law.
For Lenin the transitional phase to a new epoch of capitalism, the imperialist stage, was completed during the boom years between 1895 to 1900 and as of the cyclical crisis of 1900-03 capitalism emerged under the decisive sway of the monopolies.
In returning to the opening element of his ?ve part de?nition, the decisive role of monopolies in economic life, it is obvious that this section ?ows entirely from Lenin’s appreciation of Hilferding’s work on the concentration and centralisation of capital and the rise to power of monopolies under the aegis of the banks.
www.fifthinternational.org /index.php?id=66,253,0,0,1,0   (18223 words)

  
 DSP -- Marxist Education Resources
There will also be plenary reports outlining the DSP's perspectives for 2005, meetings for comrades working in the same areas to exchange experiences and coordinate their work, as well as video showings, social events, and opportunities for swimming, bushwalking, and relaxing.
Organised by the Democratic Socialist Perspective, Resistance, and Resistance Bookshops A detailed conference agenda will be published in November, with suggestions for preparatory reading.
It assumes that class participants are familiar with at least the main tenets of Marxist theory, for example as a result of having been through the Introduction to Marxism and Introduction to the Marxist Classics class series.
www.dsp.org.au /dspedu.htm   (1507 words)

  
 ISG - The Fourth International
That it was necessary to have a political revolution in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (The theory of political revolution)
That given that in most situations the majority of working people will follow their traditional leaderships it is necessary for revolutionaries to attempt organise action around slogans that these leaders - be they social democratic or Stalinist - cannot but support.
That in order to win political leadership it was necessary for revolutionaries to adopt an approach which built bridges between demands raised in the immediate struggle and demands which pointed towards a socialist solution.
www.isg-fi.org.uk /fi/fi1.htm   (973 words)

  
 New Socialist Group: VENEZUELA: Political Declaration of the Party of Revolution and Socialism
Their practice is reduced to introducing timid reforms inside capitalism, or conjunctural policies, which have not resolved and will not resolve the problem of exploitation and oppression.
It is necessary to build a party of the workers, the popular and revolutionary sectors, which on the basis of national and international experience and in agreement with the short, medium and long-term demands of the people, elaborates a Transitional Programme to advance towards socialism.
To distribute the draft Political Programme and Statutes of the new organization among the activists and adherents of the new organization.
www.newsocialist.org /index.php?id=540   (2754 words)

  
 League for the Fifth International | Programme   (Site not responding. Last check: 2007-11-03)
Some may baulk at this, but the alternative to revolution is not decades of undisturbed peace.
Basing a global civilisation on the empowerment of a few thousand and the impoverishment of six billion is like lodging depth charges in the planetary core.
Forward to the formation of a Fifth International — a new Global Party of Socialist Revolution
www.fifthinternational.org /index.php?programme   (259 words)

  
 Programme
Salvador A.M. Sandoval: The Mobilization and Demobilization in the Crisis of Transition in the Brazilian Labor Movement, 1978-1998
Rosa Lehmann: Rewriting history: the socialist policy of ethnic homogenization in post-war Poland
Nicola Mai: Italian Television, Myths of Freedom and Democracy and Albanian Youth during the Age of Transition.
www.klari.net /demo/esshc/programmaboek.asp   (8519 words)

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